*)<<,,  2.  erJ , )  2C 


James  M.  Goode 


V 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 
Getty  Research  Institute 


https://archive.org/details/faneuilhallfaneuOObrow_O 


Copyright,  1900,  by  Lee  and  Shepard. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


Faneuil  Hall  and  Faneuil  Hall  Market. 


i<TorhjooB  \9xees 

J.  S.  Cushing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith 
Norwood  Mass.  U.S.A. 


THE  GETTY  CENTER 
LlBFiArtV 


Contents 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

The  Huguenot  Persecution.  French  Refugees  a  Valuable  Accession  to 
New  England  Settlers.  Description  of  Boston  in  1687.  Settlement 
at  New  Oxford.  Description  of  New  Rochelle,  New  York.  The 
French  Huguenot  Church  in  Boston.  The  Coming  of  the  Faneuil 
Family.  The  Huguenot  Builder  of  the  Old  Powder  House  at 
Somerville  ..........  1 


CHAPTER  II 

Faneuil  Account  Books.  Benjamin  Faneuil’s  Children  settle  in  Boston. 
Merchandise  that  stocked  the  Markets  at  the  Opening  of  the  Eigh¬ 
teenth  Century.  Faneuil  Merchants  suffer  from  Piracy.  Marriage 
of  Faneuil  Sisters  with  noted  Boston  Families.  Faneuils  are 
Founders  of  Trinity  Church  in  Boston.  Freaks  of  Andrew  Faneuil. 
Cupid  disturbs  the  Family  Plan.  The  Banished  Benjamin.  Peter 
is  called  to  the  Tremont  Street  Mansion.  Commercial  Difficulties. 
Faneuil  Investments  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  1 1 


CHAPTER  III 

Rectors  of  Trinity  Church.  The  Tender  Side  of  Andrew  Faneuil’s 
Nature.  An  Orphan  in  the  Home.  Death  of  Andrew  Faneuil. 
Mourning  Rings  and  Gloves.  Boston’s  Most  Costly  Funeral.  The 
Last  Will  and  its  Secrets.  Provision  for  Poor  of  Boston.  Copies 
of  Will  sent  to  Foreign  Lands.  Peter  Faneuil  becomes  the  Mer¬ 
chant  Prince  of  Boston.  He  re-stocks  the  Faneuil  Mansion.  Peter 
Faneuil  sells  Fish  and  buys  a  Negro  Boy  to  serve  him  ...  22 

CHAPTER  IV 

Peter  Faneuil  and  his  Sister  Mary  Anne  send  to  London  for  Wearing 
Apparel  and  Luxuries  not  in  Boston  Market.  Glimpses  into  the 
Faneuil  Dining  Room.  Faneuil  Equipage.  A  Drive  out  of  Town 
to  Distinguished  Provincial  Homes.  Shrewd  Management  of  the 
Merchant.  Generous,  but  Exacting 

iii 


34 


iv  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  V 

PAGE 

Experience  of  Peter  Faneuil  as  a  Merchant.  Faneuils  have  Credit  in 
All  the  Trading  Ports  of  the  World.  John  Jekyll  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  Boston.  Evading  Duties.  Sends  to  England  for  a  Clerk 
who  “  wrights  and  ciphers.”  A  Venture  in  Negroes  ...  40 

CHAPTER  VI 

Peter  Faneuil  the  Jolly  Bachelor.  Intimacy  of  Faneuils  and  Jekylls. 

Death  of  Collector  Jekyll.  Peter  Faneuil  a  Business  Manager. 

Peter  the  Merchant  in  Love.  A  Disappointed  Bachelor.  Colonel 
Richard  Saltonstall  wins  the  Fair  Young  Lady  ....  46 

CHAPTER  VII 

A  Duel  in  Boston.  Noted  Families  involved.  Benjamin  Woodbridge 
slain  by  Henry  Phillips.  Phillips’s  Escape  to  France.  Professional 
Men  intercede  for  the  Pardon  of  the  Murderer.  New  Laws  against 
Duelling  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ....  56 

CHAPTER  VIII 

Peter  Faneuil’s  Great  Interest  in  the  Markets  of  the  Town.  Early 
Market  Customs  in  England  and  America.  Legislation  in  Regard 
to  Marketing  in  Boston.  Robert  Keayne’s  Bequest  for  a  Market. 

Three  Markets  established.  Their  Failure.  Mob  Law  in  Boston. 

How  Family  Supplies  were  furnished  in  Colonial  Days  ...  65 

CHAPTER  IX 

Peter  Faneuil’s  Bold  Effort  to  have  a  Local  Market.  Leading  Men  peti¬ 
tion  to  be  heard,  on  the  Subject.  Warrant  for  Town  Meeting  to 
act  on  Peter  Faneuil’s  Offer  to  give  a  Market.  Scenes  of  Excite¬ 
ment  on  Boston  Streets  and  in  Public  Houses.  Faneuil  Hall  an 
Afterthought.  Peter  Faneuil’s  Gift  secured  by  a  Majority  of  Seven 
Votes.  Committee  meet  to  stake  out  the  Ground.  John  Smibert 
the  Architect.  Samuel  Ruggles  the  Builder.  Market  Sentiment 
changes.  House  cheerfully  accepted.  Hall  over  the  Market  named. 

To  be  called  Faneuil  Hall  forever.  Resolutions  of  Thanks  to  Peter 
Faneuil.  The  Donor's  Picture  procured.  Faneuil  Arms  bought 
for  the  Hall.  First  Public  Meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Joshua 
Blanchard  a  Famous  Brick  Mason.  Peter  Faneuil  goes  to  Market 
for  Family  Supplies.  Other  Public  Buildings  of  Note  ...  79 


CONTENTS 


v 


CHAPTER  X 

PAGE 

Faneuil  Hall  a  Timely  Gift.  Concerts  in  Faneuil  Hall  in  1747.  ’Lec¬ 
tion  Day  Feasts.  Early  Days  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market.  First  Lease 
of  a  Stall.  Market  becomes  Unpopular.  Early  Stallkeepers. 
Faneuil  Hall  Market  destroyed  by  Fire  in  1761.  Newspaper 
Reports.  Rebuilt  by  Means  of  a  Lottery.  Onesiphorus  Tileston 
Contractor  to  rebuild  the  House.  Scenes  previous  to  Opening  of 
Revolution  ...........  89 


CHAPTER  XI 

Death  of  Peter  Faneuil.  Public  Honors  paid  to  the  Memory  of  Boston’s 
First  Great  Benefactor.  Return  of  the  Banished  Benjamin.  Obitu¬ 
ary  from  News  Letter.  Funeral  Oration  delivered  by  John  Lovell 
in  Faneuil  Hall.  Peter  Faneuil’s  Estate.  The  Appraisal  of  the 
Largest  Estate  in  Boston.  Benjamin  Faneuil  the  Administrator. 

The  Accumulated  Wealth  quickly  scattered  .....  101 

CHAPTER  XII 

Faneuil  Hall  Market  a  Monument  to  Peter  Faneuil.  The  Name  of 
Faneuil  Extinct  in  Boston.  Faneuil  Heirs.  The  Faneuils  were 
Members  of  the  First  Paper-manufacturing  Company  in  Massachu¬ 
setts.  Benjamin  Faneuil  settles  in  Brighton.  Pleasures  of  Peter 
the  Second.  Alliance  with  the  Bethune  Family.  General  Wash¬ 
ington  and  the  Faneuils.  Faneuils  were  Loyalists,  and  left  the 
Country  with  the  King’s  Army.  Peter  Faneuil’s  Portrait  mutilated 
in  Faneuil  Hall.  Faneuils  in  Banishment  .....  115 

CHAPTER  XIII 

Faneuil  Hall  Town  Meetings.  Named  Cradle  of  Liberty.  First  Intima¬ 
tion  of  the  Revolution.  Protest  against  Stamp  Act.  Festivities  at 
the  Repeal.  Portraits  of  Friends  in  Parliament  procured  and  hung 
in  Hall.  Gratitude  for  Preservation  of  Hall.  Loss  of  Portraits 
during  the  Siege.  List  of  Famous  Meetings  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Gen¬ 
eral  Howe  and  Boston  Negroes.  Count  D’Estaing  and  Other 
French  Officers.  Boston  Merchants  entertain  the  French.  Wash¬ 
ington’s  Birthday  celebrated  in  1784.  African  Preacher  in  Faneuil 
Hall  in  1789.  Lafayette  Dinner  in  1784.  Washington  Banquet  in 
1789.  John  Adams  honored,  1797.  ’Lection  Day  Dinner.  School 
Visitors  dined.  The  Grasshopper.  Earthquake  of  1755.  Cele¬ 
bration  of  1793 


123 


VI 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XIV 

Faneuil  Hall  Market  through  the  Revolution.  Stallkeepers  and  the 
Tories.  Street  Lamps  set  up  in  Boston.  Tallow  needed  for  the 
Manufacture  of  Candles.  Droves  of  Sheep  from  Connecticut  for 
the  Poor.  Supplies  from  the  Country  Towns.  Stalls  occupied 
Gratis.  Market  Regulations  after  the  Evacuation.  Stallkeepers 
of  1 776.  Relief  allowed  by  the  General  Court.  Changes  in  Mar¬ 
ket  Customs.  Rules  as  to  the  Quantity  of  Meat  which  should  be 
consumed  in  a  Day.  The  Meagreness  of  the  Market.  The  Fish 
Market.  Struggle  with  Forestallers.  Rules  adopted.  Cage  for 
Criminals  set  up  in  the  Market-place.  Opening  of  Charles  River 
Bridge  in  1786  affected  the  Market  ....... 

CHAPTER  XV 

The  Bulfinch  Faneuil  Hall.  1806-1898.  Middlesex  Canal  affects  Boston. 
Enlargement  of  Faneuil  Hall.  Charles  Bulfinch  the  Architect. 
Smibert’s  Plans  retained.  Action  against  British  Aggression. 
Patriotic  Meetings.  Festivity  because  of  Victory  of  “  Old  Iron¬ 
sides.”  Independence  Day  Orations.  Great  Supply  of  Punch  in 
1810.  Hall  too  Small  for  Town  Meetings.  Town  Government 
changed  to  that  of  a  City.  Famous  Men  and  Meetings  in  Faneuil 
Hall  since  Boston  became  a  City.  Faneuil  Hall  a  Post-office. 
Ornaments  of  the  Hall.  Whittier’s  Poem,  “  Faneuil  Hall.”  Fan¬ 
euil  Hall  Oratory.  The  Fireproof  Faneuil  Hall  of  1899  . 

CHAPTER  XVI 

The  Rebuilding  of  1898-1899.  The  Architect,  the  Builder,  and  the 
Modern  Structure  .......... 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Mayor  Josiah  Quincy’s  Great  Enterprise.  Granite  Building  erected. 
Plate  deposited  under  Corner-stone.  The  New  House  named 
Faneuil  Hall  Market.  Stalls  under  Faneuil  Hall  abandoned.  How 
Stalls  were  selected  and  assigned.  Description  of  Faneuil  Hall 
Market  of  1826.  New  Faneuil  Hall  Market  opened  in  1858  . 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

Early  Market  Laws.  Piepowder  Court.  The  Market  Official  and  his 
Duties.  Succession  of  Market  Clerks  or  Superintendents.  George 
E.  McKay  appointed  as  Superintendent  in  1877  by  Mayor  Prince  . 


PAGE 


139 


152 


165 


171 


189 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XIX 

The  Market  and  Boston’s  Days  of  Celebration.  Reception  to  President 
Washington  in  1789.  The  Introduction  of  Water  in  1848.  Semi¬ 
centennial  of  Opening  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  1876 

CHAPTER  XX 

Faneuil  Hall  and  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  . 

CHAPTER  XXI 

The  Custodians  of  Faneuil  Hall.  The  Market  House  Investment. 
Progress  in  Marketing  in  the  Various  Departments 


vii 


PAGE 


201 


207 


2I5 


List  of  Illustrations 


Peter  Faneuil . Frontispiece 

The  Faneuil  Letter  Books . 

Faneuil  Mansion . 

Gravestone  of  Benjamin  Woodbridge . 

Hon.  Dudley  Woodbridge . 

Faneuil  Hall  and  the  Feather  Store . 

Samuel  Adams  . 

Facsimile  of  Lottery  Ticket . 

Faneuil  Hall  and  Market  of  Revolution . 

John  Lovell  . 

Faneuil  Tomb . 

Peter  Faneuil,  from  Painting  by  Sargent . 

T  he  Grasshopper . 

Charles  Bulfinch . 

Faneuil  Hall  in  1806 . 

Clock  given  by  Children  of  Boston . 

Eagle  . 

Faneuil  Hall  with  Shambles . 

Josiah  Quincy,  Mayor  1896-1899 . 

An  Entrance  Door  . 

A  Window . 

A  Corner  of  the  Hall . 

Josiah  Quincy,  Mayor  1823-1828 . 

Faneuil  Hall  Market,  built  in  1826 . 


PAGE 


28 

57 

59 

88 

92 

98 

100 

i°5 

1 16 
132 
137 
1 54 
156 
161 
161 
164 

166 

167 

168 

169 
172 
181 


IX 


X 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Interior  of  Market . 183 

Faneuil  Hall  Market  from  the  Harbor,  in  1826  .  .  .187 

Superintendent  McKay  holding  Court . 190 

Superintendent  George  E.  McKay . 196 

McKay  Badge  197 

Mayor  Cobb  and  Four  Original  Occupants  of  Faneuil  Hall 

Market,  on  the  Fiftieth  Anniversary,  August  26,  1876  .  204 

Faneuil  Hall  to-day  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .214 

Thomas  N.  Hart,  Mayor  1900  .  .  .  .  .  .  .216 


Faneuil  Hall  and  Market 


CHAPTER  I 


The  Huguenot  Persecution.  French  Refugees  a  Valuable  Accession  to 
New  England  Settlers.  Description  of  Boston  in  1687.  Settlement  at  New 
Oxford.  Description  of  New  Rochelle,  New  York.  The  French  Huguenot 
Church  in  Boston.  The  Coming  of  the  Faneuil  Family.  The  Huguenot 
Builder  of  the  Old  Powder  House  at  Somerville. 

HE  name  of  Faneuil  carries  us  back  to  the  French  Prot- 


estants,  or  Huguenots,  a  band  of  exiles  who  left  their 
native  land  for  conscience’  sake,  and  found  a  place  of  refuge 
on  these  western  shores.  Poet,  artist,  and  historian  have  vied 
with  one  another  in  the  portrayal  of  the  sacrifices,  sufferings, 
and  triumphs  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  who  breasted  the  storms 
of  the  Atlantic,  and  in  December,  1620,  landed  on  a  “stern 
and  rock-bound  coast,”  laying  the  foundation  of  this  American 
republic.  But  there  has  been  comparatively  little  said  of  that 
class  of  exiles  who,  sixty  years  later,  impelled  by  similar 
motives,  left  their  homes  and  crossed  the  ocean  to  these 


shores. 


The  Huguenots  were  a  worthy  people,  and  while  not  the 
pioneers  of  our  boasted  civilization,  constitute  an  element  which 
in  its  development  has  been  welcome  and  beneficial.  Their 
personal  traits  were  needed  here  at  the  time  of  their  enforced 
coming.  Their  buoyancy  and  cheerfulness  served  to  modify 
the  prevailing  austerity,  and  their  love  for  the  aesthetic,  which 
appeared  in  the  cultivation  of  fruits  and  flowers,  was  soon 
appreciated  by  the  earlier  settlers.  “  They  brought  religious 


B 


1 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


convictions  that  were  not  the  less  firm  because  accompanied 
by  a  certain  moderation  and  pliancy  in  things  not  held  of  vital 
importance.  They  brought  a  love  for  liberty,  that  was  none 
the  less  sincere  because  associated  with  a  tolerance  learned  in 
the  school  of  suffering.”  Theirs  is  but  a  small  feature  of  the 
history  of  New  England,  but  they  were  a  valuable  accession  to 
its  early  settlers,  and  their  blood  courses  in  many  veins,  and 
names  honored  in  our  records  are  traceable  to  the  Huguenots, 
whose  flight  from  France  and  settlement  in  America  constitute 
an  episode  not  only  pathetic,  but  significant  in  its  effect  upon 
social  and  political  life  and  typical  New  England  character. 

The  story  of  their  sorrows  and  sacrifices  has  been  briefly 
told,  but  that  of  their  triumphs  must  be  found  in  the  story  of 
the  earlier  pilgrims  of  which  it  forms  a  component  part. 

During  the  reign  of  Francis  I.  in  France,  i  5 1 5—1  545,  certain 
influences  were  brought  to  bear  upon  society  which  resulted 
in  bringing  out  a  class  of  people  called  Protestants,  because 
of  their  protest  against  a  most  unjust  decree.  The  name 
later  was  applied  to  all  who  receded  from  the  Church  of 
Rome.  The  term  “  Huguenot”  was  applied  to  the  Protestants 
of  France  and  Holland  during  the  reign  of  Henry  IF,  son 
and  successor  of  Francis  I.  It  is  of  uncertain  origin,  but  was 
used  as  a  term  of  reproach.  These  Huguenots  increased  in 
number  until  it  was  claimed  at  the  time  of  the  death  of 
Henry  II.,  1559,  that  they  constituted  one-fourth  of  the  popu¬ 
lation  of  the  kingdom  of  France. 

During  the  reigns  of  Francis  II.,  and  of  Charles  IX.  under 
the  guardianship  of  his  mother  Catharine  de’  Medici,  there  was 
anything  but  peace;  yet  the  Huguenots  obtained  the  mastery 
of  cities  in  almost  every  French  province.  But  at  length  came 
the  massacre  on  St.  Bartholomew’s  Day,  August  24,  1572,  when 
there  was  a  general  slaughter  of  the  Huguenots.  More  than 
thirty  thousand  fell  by  the  sword. 

In  the  west  of  France,  on  an  inlet  of  the  Bay  of  Biscay, 


THE  HUGUENOT  PERSECUTION 


3 


was  the  Huguenot  stronghold,  Ea  Rochelle,  which  became  the 
theatre  of  a  civil  war.  After  withstanding  a  siege  of  eight 
months,  they  secured  a  treaty  of  pacification  in  1573. 

Charles  IX.  died  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother,  Henry  III.,  who  was  so  young  that 
his  mother  Catharine  had  a  voice  in  the  government,  but  failed 
to  establish  peace.  These  civil  and  religious  wars  continued 
through  the  reign  of  Henry  III.,  who  was  assassinated  August  2, 
1589,  bringing  an  end  to  the  house  of  Valois.  Then  came  to 
the  throne  the  King  of  Navarre  under  the  title  of  Henry  IV., 
who,  in  April,  1598,  secured  to  the  Protestants  their  civil  rights 
by  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  called  the  Edict  of  Peace,  by  which 
they  were  granted  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  given 
equal  claims  with  the  Catholics  to  all  offices  and  dignities. 
They  were  left  in  possession  of  their  fortresses,  which  were 
ceded  to  them  for  security,  and  they  formed  a  sort  of  republic 
within  the  kingdom,  where  they  enjoyed  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  and  prospered  until  1627,  when,  under  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIII.,  son  and  successor  of  Henry  IV.,  their  stronghold 
La  Rochelle  was  besieged  for  fifteen  months,  and  the  population 
reduced  from  thirty  thousand  to  five  thousand.  Through  the 
death  of  Louis  XIII.  his  son  came  to  the  throne  as  Louis  XIV., 
with  his  mother,  Anne  of  Austria,  as  regent.  The  reign  of  Louis 
XIV.  continued  seventy  years,  and  was  the  greatest  in  French 
history,  —  in  the  grandeur  of  the  king,  the  splendor  of  the  court, 
the  talent  of  its  generals  and  ministers,  the  success  of  its  arms, 
and  the  brilliancy  of  its  literature ;  but  by  one  act  he  cast  a 
shadow  over  it  all  by  striking  a  blow  from  which  France  has 
never  wholly  recovered  ;  namely,  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes,  by  which  the  rights  of  the  Huguenots  were  denied 
them.  Then  came  the  scattering  of  that  most  desirable  class 
of  people.  Many  sought  refuge  in  England,  Ireland,  and 
Holland,  and  others  came  to  America.  They  received  kind 
treatment  in  each  of  their  new  homes,  and  enjoyed  such  pos- 


4 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


sessions  as  they  succeeded  in  taking  with  them,  while  many 
escaped  only  with  their  lives.  A  few  came  to  America  as  early 
as  1662,  for  in  October  of  that  year  the  General  Court  granted 
the  petition  of  John  Touton  of  Rochelle  in  France,  “doctor 
chirurgeon,”  in  behalf  of  himself  and  others,  to  inhabit  here, 
etc.  This  doctor  was  in  Rehoboth  in  1675,  but  there  is  no 
evidence  of  his  being  accompanied  by  any  of  his  countrymen. 
The  first  company  came  in  1686,  and  applied  for  permission  to 
settle  here.  In  granting  the  petition,  a  general  order  was  also 
passed  to  admit  “  all  such  French  Protestants  that  shall  or  may 
come  into  this  his  Majesty’s  Territory  and  Dominion.” 

These  immigrants  seem  to  have  arrived  in  a  destitute  condi¬ 
tion,  and  measures  were  taken  for  their  relief.  They  had  come 
from  a  temporary  abode  on  an  island  under  the  control  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  had  driven  them  out  by  cruel  treatment,  “  naked 
and  distressed.”  Some  of  them  who  had  property  were  at¬ 
tracted  to  America.  They  did  not  come  in  “great  companies,” 
but,  says  Snow  in  “History  of  Boston,”  “during  the  Summer 
of  1686  a  number  of  vessels  arrived,  having  on  board  French 
refugees.”  By  the  diary  of  Samuel  Sewall  we  have  the  follow¬ 
ing  :  “Thursday,  July  5th.  On  this  day  Foy  arrives.  Several 
gentlemen  came  over  with  Foy,  some  of  them  with  estates.” 
Gabriel  Bernon  was  one  of  those  who  came  with  Captain  John 
Foy,  but  the  names  of  others  are  uncertain.  In  October,  1687, 
there  arrived  in  Boston  one  of  the  French  refugees,  who  came 
prospecting,  in  hopes  to  collect  information  to  guide  his  fellow- 
refugees  in  a  proposed  plan  of  settling  in  America.  Shurtliff 
has  given  us  a  translation  of  the  prospector’s  report  which  is 
of  interest.  “  The  Town  is  built  on  the  Slope  of  a  little  Hill, 
and  is  as  large  as  La  Rochelle.  The  Town  is  almost  wholly 
built  of  wooden  Houses;  but  since  there  have  been  some 
ravages  by  Fire,  building  of  Wood  is  no  longer  allowed,  so  that 
at  this  present  writing  very  handsome  Houses  of  Brick  are 
going  up.  ...  You  can  bring  with  you  hired  Help  in  any 


DESCRIPTION  OF  BOSTON  IN  1687 


5 


Vocation  whatever  ;  there  is  absolute  Need  of  them  to  till  the 
Land.  You  may  also  own  Negroes  and  Negresses;  there  is  not 
a  House  in  Boston,  however  small  may  be  its  means,  that  has 
not  one  or  two.  There  are  those  that  have  five  or  six,  and  all 
make  a  good  living.  .  .  .  Pasturage  abounds  here.  You  can 
raise  every  kind  of  cattle,  which  thrive  well.  An  Ox  costs  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  Crowns  ;  a  Cow,  eight  to  ten  ;  Horses,  from  ten 
to  fifty  Crowns,  and  in  Plenty.  There  are  even  wild  ones  in 
the  woods,  which  are  yours  if  you  can  catch  them.  Foals  are 
sometimes  caught.  Beef  costs  two  Pence  the  Pound;  Mutton, 
two  Pence  ;  Pork  from  two  to  three  Pence,  according  to  the 
Season  ;  Flour  fourteen  shillings  the  one  hundred  and  twelve 
Pounds,  all  bolted ;  Fish  is  very  cheap,  and  Vegetables  also  ; 
Cabbage,  Turnips,  Onions  and  Carrots  abound  here.  ...  I 
am  assured  that  the  Woods  are  full  of  Strawberries  in  their 
Season,  I  have  seen  Quantities  of  wild  Grapevine,  and  eaten 
Grapes  of  very  good  Flavor,  kept  by  one  of  my  Friends.  There 
is  no  Doubt  that  the  Vine  will  do  very  well ;  there  is  some  little 
planted  in  the  Country,  which  has  grown.  .  .  .  The  Rivers  are 
full  of  Fish,  and  we  have  so  great  a  Quantity  of  Sea  and  River 
Fish  that  no  Account  is  made  of  them.  There  are  here  Crafts¬ 
men  of  every  kind,  and  particularly  Carpenters  for  the  building 
of  ships.  The  Day  after  my  Arrival,  I  saw  them  put  one  into 
the  Water  of  three  hundred  Tons,  and  since,  they  have  two 
others  somewhat  smaller.  This  Town  carries  on  a  great  Trade 
with  the  Islands  of  America  and  with  Spain.  .  .  .  Here  in 
Boston  there  are  not  more  than  twenty  French  Families,  and 
they  are  every  day  diminishing.” 

At  about  this  time  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts 
granted  a  tract  of  land,  eight  miles  scjuare,  in  the  Nipmuck 
country,  New  Oxford,  to  a  company  organized  for  propagating 
the  Gospel  among  the  Indians.  Robert  Thompson  was  at  the 
head  of  the  enterprise,  and  was  eager  to  interest  newcomers, 
and  we  find  that  some  of  these  exiles  early  set  out  on  the  jour- 


6 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


ney  of  fifty  miles  inland  to  make  homes  in  the  wilderness.  It 
was  a  severe  experiment  for  them ;  they  were  a  people  tenderly 
reared  and  unaccustomed  to  hardships,  and  were  of  refined  and 
cultivated  minds.  Gabriel  Bernon  was  one  who  went  to  Ox¬ 
ford,  and  was  a  leader  of  his  countrymen  in  the  enterprise, 
which  for  a  time  promised  success;  but  at  length  troubles  with 
the  Indians  met  them,  and  those  who  survived  abandoned  the 
settlement  after  about  ten  years  of  trial.  They  returned  to 
Boston  and  joined  their  countrymen,  who  had  become  well 
established  in  the  seaport.  Another  company  located  in  New 
York,  making  a  settlement  about  twenty  miles  out  from  the 
city,  which  they  named  New  Rochelle  in  remembrance  of  the 
early  home  which  they  could  not  forget. 

In  each  of  these  places  appears  the  name  of  Faneuil.  In 
Oxford,  the  name  of  Benjamin  Faneuil  is  found,  and  in  a  list 
of  the  French  nation  admitted  into  the  Bay  Colony  by  the  Gov¬ 
ernor  and  Council,  on  February  i,  1691,  are  the  names  of 
Benjamin,  John,  and  Andrew  Faneuil. 

As  the  Faneuils  were  among  the  fortunate  ones,  in  having 
property  which  they  brought  to  this  country,  it  is  possible  that 
Benjamin  had  a  financial  interest  in  both  Oxford  and  New 
York.  The  fact  that  he  married  Anne  Bureau,  a  French  lady 
of  that  place,  and  set  up  a  home  in  New  York  very  soon  after 
the  abandonment  of  the  Oxford  enterprise,  points  to  the  con¬ 
clusion  that  he  preferred  that  locality  to  either  of  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  settlements  and  that  he  there  spent  the  remainder  of 
his  life.  On  a  horizontal  slab  in  Trinity  churchyard,  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  is  to  be  read,  “  Here  lies  buried  the  body  of 
Mr.  Benjamin  Faneuil  of  the  city  of  Rochelle,  France,  who  died 
the  31st  of  March  1719  aged  60  years  and  8  months.” 

There  are  some  trifling  reminders  of  the  sojourn  of  the 
Huguenots  in  the  town  of  Oxford,  and  through  the  faithfulness 
of  Mary  de  Witte  Freeland  in  “The  Records  of  Oxford”  that 
exile  band  has  a  place  in  recorded  history. 


FRENCH  HUGUENOT  CHURCH  IN  BOSTON  7 


O.  W.  Holmes  has  written,  “  There  is  no  town  in  New  Eng¬ 
land  which  can  show  more  interesting  localities  than  Oxford. 
The  French  exiles  rested  there,  as  a  flight  of  tropical  birds 
might  on  one  of  our  New  England  pines,  and  one  can  hardly 
visit  the  place  that  knew  them,  without  looking  for  some  relics 
of  their  sojourn  as  he  would  hunt  for  an  empty  nest  or  a  painted 
feather  after  the  bird  has  flown.” 

Boston  was  a  more  favorable  locality  for  the  emigrants,  and 
for  several  years  they  flourished  as  a  distinct  element  in  the 
town.  They  mingled  in  business  matters  with  those  who  had 
given  them  a  welcome,  but  were  reserved  in  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
Their  mother  tongue  was  that  of  the  French,  and  although  they 
were  Protestants,  they  could  not  assimilate  with  the  Puritan 
element;  hence  they  early  formed  their  own  church.  But  they 
kept  Christmas,  which  so  annoyed  the  Puritans  that  the  immor¬ 
tal  diarist,  Samuel  Sewall,  recorded,  “  This  day  I  spoke 
with  Mr.  Newman  about  his  partaking  with  the  French  Church 
on  the  25th  of  December  on  account  of  its  being  Christmas,  as 
they  abusively  call  it.”  The  records  of  the  exiles,  driven  out  of 
Spanish  domain,  show  them  to  have  had  in  their  number  a 
Protestant  minister,  but  of  his  service  little  or  nothing  is  known. 
He  had  a  successor  who  was  not  congenial  and  went  to  New 
York,  where  he  was  made  minister  of  a  Huguenot  church  on 
Staten  Island.  A  third  stayed  at  Boston  a  brief  season  and  then 
went  to  New  Rochelle,  New  York,  where  he  was  minister  of 
the  Huguenot  church.  But  in  1696  came  Rev.  Pierre  Daille, 
who  made  a  good  record  in  the  town,  during  a  ministry  of  nearly 
twenty  years,  until  his  death,  May  20,  1715.  By  his  will,  pro¬ 
bated  in  Suffolk  County,  it  appears  that  he  did  not  favor 
certain  customs  and  practices  that  prevailed  among  the  Puritan 
element  of  the  town,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  put  his  seal  of  dis¬ 
approval  upon  them.  In  it  he  directed  that  “there  shall  be  no 
wine  at  my  funeral,  and  none  of  my  wife’s  relations  have 
mourning  clothes  furnished  them  except  gloves.”  He,  however, 


8 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


drew  no  sectarian  lines,  for  gloves  and  scarfs  were  to  be  given 
to  all  the  ministers  of  the  town,  and  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Walker, 
of  Roxbury.  His  ambition  to  build  a  meeting-house  for  his 
flock  had  not  been  gratified,  yet  he  evinced  his  interest  by 
giving  £10  toward  the  enterprise  in  the  future.  His  widow 
was  to  receive  ,£350  together  with  his  negro,  Kuffy.  A 
brother  in  Holland  was  made  residuary  legatee.  The  French 
Protestants  purchased  a  lot  for  their  meeting-house  in  January, 
1704-1705.  It  was  located  on  School  House  Lane,  now  School 
Street,  at  a  point  about  midway  between  the  present  Parker 
House  site  and  Washington  Street.  They  were,  however,  not 
allowed  to  erect  their  house  of  worship  for  about  twelve 
years,  probably  because  they  wanted  to  build  of  wood,  which 
was  not  advisable  at  that  period  on  account  of  fire ;  but  they 
were  allowed  to  occupy  a  schoolhouse  for  their  religious 
services  until  they  were  able  to  build  their  house  of  brick. 

The  last  minister  of  the  French  congregation  was  Andrew  Le 
Mercier,  who  came  over  to  the  colony  in  1715.  Andrew  Fan- 
euil  was  the  agent  in  behalf  of  the  church,  who  made  the 
arrangements  to  give  him  an  annual  salary  of  ^100  in  New 
England  currency.  He  continued  in  the  ministry  about  thirty- 
two  years,  and  saw  the  decline  of  his  congregation  until  the 
house  of  worship  was  sold  and  the  record  of  the  Huguenot 
church  was  completed. 

One  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Lrench  church 
was  Andrew  Faneuil,  who  was  identified  with  its  interests  to  the 
end  of  his  life.  He  was  one  of  the  Huguenots  who  escaped 
after  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  had  a  temporary 
abode  in  Holland,  where  he  was  married.  Little  is  known  of 
his  married  life,  but  we  have  the  following  record  :  — 

“The  death  of  Mrs.  Mary  Catherine,  wife  of  Mr.  Andrew 
Faneuil,  occurred  in  Boston  July  16,  1724,  a  gentlewoman  of 
extraordinary  perfections  both  of  mind  and  body.” 

A  portrait,  representing  Mrs.  fi'aneuil  as  a  beautiful  woman, 


THE  COMING  OF  THE  FANEUIL  FAMILY  9 


was  brought  to  America  and  treasured  in  the  family.  The 
exact  date  of  their  coming  to  Massachusetts  is  not  known,  but 
his  name  appears  on  the  tax  list  of  Boston  in  1691,  and  it  is 
evident  that  he  was  a  man  of  affairs  in  the  town  at  that  time, 
and  possibly  earlier.  He  was,  doubtless,  one  of  the  fortunate 
Huguenots  who,  having  an  estate  in  France,  had  been  able  to 
take  a  goodly  portion  with  him  when  he  left  his  native  land,  and 
had  not  come  empty-handed  to  Boston.  It  is  evident  that  he 
made  an  early  investment  in  Boston.  In  a  petition  from  Oliver 
Noyes,  dated  February  20,  1709,  to  build  a  wharf  from  the 
bottom  of  King,  now  State,  Street  to  low-water  mark,  it  is  de¬ 
scribed  as  follows:  “Of  the  width  of  King  Street,  between  Mr. 
East  Apthorp’s  and  Mr.  Andrew  Faneuil’s.”  He  was  soon  well 
established  in  a  lucrative  business  and  the  owner  of  large  real 
estate  interests  in  Boston.  His  warehouse  was  on  Butler 
Square,  out  of  State  Street,  and  his  mansion  house,  which  stood 
on  Tremont  Street  opposite  King’s  Chapel  Burying  Ground, 
was  erected  at  about  this  time. 

The  Huguenot  persecution,  which  proved  a  blessing  to  the 
American  colonies,  was  the  means  of  separating  families,  as  is 
generally  the  case  in  all  religious  uprisings  which  come  to  a 
nation  or  to  a  community.  Of  the  Faneuil  family  we  find  that 
Jean  (John)  adhered  to  the  faith  of  his  fathers  and  remained 
in  France,  having  his  home  at  Rochelle.  Susannah,  a  sister, 
also  of  the  same  faith,  remained  at  Rochelle  and  became  the 
the  wife  of  Abraham  Delacroix.  Jane,  another  sister,  was  a 
Huguenot,  who  became  the  wife  of  Pierre  (Peter)  Cossart. 
They  were  of  the  company  who  took  refuge  in  Ireland.  It  is 
gratifying,  however,  to  note  that  this  separation  did  not  lead 
to  entire  estrangement,  for  there  was  social  and  business  inter¬ 
course  carried  on  between  these  branches  of  the  family  sepa¬ 
rated  by  the  broad  Atlantic.  Having  now  four  branches  of  the 
family  to  keep  in  mind,  we  turn  our  attention  more  particularly 
to  the  one  located  at  Boston. 


10 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Note 

It  is  evident,  according  to  recent  investigations,  that  we  are  indebted  to 
one  of  the  Huguenots  for  the  “Old  Powder  House”  at  Somerville,  it  having 
been  the  windmill  of  John  Mallet,  who  bought  a  tract  of  ten  acres  of  land  on 
the  hill  early  known  as  “Two-penny-brook  Quarry,”  and  there  set  up  a  wind¬ 
mill  early  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  name  Faneuil  has  through  American  use  lost  its  original  pronunciation. 
Historians  occasionally  make  an  attempt  to  give  the  name  its  old  country 
accent,  but  New  England  familiarity  has  established  a  phonetic  pronunciation. 
The  old-fashioned  Boston  style  was  a  good  deal  like  the  word  “funnel.” 

Parton  in  “Captains  of  Industry”  is  responsible  for  a  story  told  of  the  late 
Ralph  Waldo  Emerson's  first  lecture  in  Cincinnati,  forty  years  ago.  “A 
worthy  pork  packer,  who  was  observed  to  listen  with  close  attention  to  the 
energetic  utterances  of  the  sage,  was  asked,  by  one  of  his  friends,  what  he 
thought  of  the  performance.  “I  liked  it  very  well,”  said  he,  “and  I’m  glad  I 
went,  because  I  learned  from  it  how  the  Boston  people  pronounced  Faneuil 
Hall.” 

The  order  which  went  forth  from  Paris  in  October,  1685,  was  intended  to 
put  an  end  forever  to  the  Protestant  religion  in  France;  the  king  meant  to 
make  thorough  work  of  it.  It  was  ordered  that  all  the  Huguenot  churches 
in  the  kingdom  be  instantly  demolished.  Dissenters  were  forbidden  to 
assemble  either  in  a  building  or  out-of-doors,  on  penalty  of  death  and  con¬ 
fiscation  of  all  their  goods.  Their  clergymen  were  required  to  leave  the 
kingdom  within  fifteen  days.  Their  schools  were  interdicted,  and  the 
children  hereafter  born  of  Protestant  parents  were  to  be  baptized  by 
the  Catholic  clergymen  and  be  reared  in  that  faith. 


CHAPTER  II 


Faneuil  Account  Books.  Benjamin  Faneuil's  Children  settle  in  Boston. 
Merchandise  that  stocked  the  Markets  at  the  Opening  of  the  Eighteenth 
Century.  Faneuil  Merchants  suffer  from  Piracy.  Marriage  of  Faneuil  Sis¬ 
ters  with  noted  Boston  Families.  Faneuils  are  Founders  of  Trinity  Church 
in  Boston.  Freaks  of  Andrew  Faneuil.  Cupid  disturbs  the  Family  Plan. 
The  Banished  Benjamin.  Peter  is  called  to  the  Tremont  Street  Mansion. 
Commercial  Difficulties.  Faneuil  Investments. 

rT~'HE  exact  date  of  Andrew  Faneuil’s  business  venture  in 
Boston  cannot  be  determined,  for  the  historian  had  not 
dipped  his  quill  at  that  time,  and  this  early  merchant  had  com¬ 
pleted  his  career  before  the  noted  Hutchinson  began  his  work. 
Such  fragments  of  his  manuscripts  as  we  have  are  ours  only 
after  the  hand  of  some  vandal  has  been  arrested  in  his  work  of 
destruction.  I  have  gone  for  my  information  herein  given  to 
the  many  published  works  on  Boston  and  its  early  people,  but 
more  especially  have  I  relied  upon  the  fragmentary  letter  and 
invoice  books,  ledger,  and  journal,  once  the  property  of  the  Fan¬ 
euils,  and  where  appear,  indelibly  stamped,  the  acts  of  not 
only  Andrew,  but  of  his  nephews.  The  splendid  parchment 
pages,  as  firm  and  strong  as  when  the  quill  was  applied  to  them, 
admonish  us  in  the  use  of  the  soft  perishable  pulp  of  our  modern 
paper  mills,  and  the  plain  legible  penmanship  of  one  hundred 
and  seventy  years  ago  puts  to  shame  much  of  the  chirograph’/ 
of  the  present  time.  Others  have  been  to  these  fragments 
before  me,  and  through  diligence  have  gleaned  for  their  valua¬ 
ble  works ;  and  they,  like  all  visitors  to  these  broken  files,  have 
found  cause  for  lamenting  that  so  much  of  our  commercial  his- 


ii 


12 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


tory  has  been  lost  through  fire,  accident,  and  heedlessness.  By 
this  admission  I  am  simply  committed  to  the  effort  to  put  old 
wine  into  new  bottles,  and  as  this  is  the  reversal  of  the  time- 
honored  warning,  I  trust  to  find  the  means  of  conveyance,  as 
well  as  the  material,  acceptable  to  the  modern  reader. 

The  earliest  date  is  1725,  and  appears  in  the  Invoice  Book, 
but  as  it  is  far  along  in  the  volume  as  it  originally  appeared, 
and  in  the  midst  of  a  transaction,  we  can  but  conclude  that  sev¬ 


eral  years  of  Andrew  Faneuil’s  business  records  have  preceded 
it,  as  what  we  have  is  but  a  fragment,  although  well  set  in  its 
original  binding.  We  are  also  led  to  the  conclusion  that  this 
merchant  has,  long  before  this  time,  established  a  home  at  his 
fine  estate,  and,  still  unmarried,  has  servants,  black  and  white,  to 
do  his  bidding.  At  the  outset  we  are  met  with  a  statement  that 
Andrew,  Benjamin,  and  Peter  Laneuil  are  all  engaged  in  one 
and  the  same  venture,  and  for  an  explanation  turn  at  once  to 
the  family  at  New  Rochelle,  New  York,  where  Andrew’s  brother, 
Benjamin,  with  Anne  Bureau,  his  wife,  settled  at  the  dawn  of 
the  century.  We  find  that  they  have  been  blessed  with  eleven 
children,  —  Peter,  Benjamin,  Francis,  Anne,  Anne,  Marie,  John, 


MERCHANDISE  IN  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  13 


Anne,  Susannah,  Mary  Anne,  and  Catherine.  Although  the  first 
two  Annes,  John,  and  Catherine  have  died  in  infancy,  there  are 
enough  to  supply  the  deficiencies  at  Andrew’s  home  at  Boston. 
The  oldest  two  are  committed  to  his  care  and  instruction,  and 
before  many  years  Mary  Anne  joins  them.  This  division  of 
the  Rochelle  family  is  thought  not  to  have  taken  place  until 
after  the  death  of  the  head  of  the  family  in  1719,  when  Peter 
was  nineteen  years  old  and  Benjamin  two  years  younger.  They 
were,  however,  well  trained  in  commercial  business  when  we 
find  uncle  and  nephews  as  consignees  of  a  large  shipment  of 
merchandise,  and  styled  merchants. 

A  review  of  these  consignments  will  afford  some  intimation 
of  the  richness  and  brilliancy  of  the  colonial  costume ;  many  of 
the  fabrics  if  displayed  in  the  show  window  of  modern  Boston 
would  attract  the  eye  of  the  ladies  of  the  time.  Crapes,  Hol¬ 
land  lawn,  Spanish  poplin,  colored  silk,  and  black  poplins  were 
all  in  vogue.  Durants  and  duroys,  osnaburgs,  camblets,  nar¬ 
row,  double,  and  cherry,  with  ingrains,  were  all  here  in  the 
market  at  the  Faneuil  warehouses.  Silk  druggets  and  calaman¬ 
coes  were  noted  in  the  advertisements.  Peter  Faneuil  seems  to 
have  attended  to  the  gunpowder  importation  on  his  individual 
account.  There  was  an  invoice  on  September,  1725,  of  “40 
half  barrels  of  gun  powder,  shipt  on  board,  Cambria,  Capt.  John 
Darby,  for  Boston  in  New  England,  and  there  consigned  to  Mr. 
Peter  Faneuil  being  for  our  accounts  under  ye  mark  and  num¬ 
ber  as  in  ye  margin.” 

“An  Invoice  of  dishes,  pans  and  kettles,  wooden  lanthorns 
and  one  Tin  Ditto,”  appears  in  connection  with  “  12  Boys’  Cas¬ 
tors  ”  (hats),  and  as  many  for  men  with  a  “Deal  Box”;  beaver- 
etts ;  6  doz.  fine  check  Roman  handkerchiefs,  etc. 

While  it  is  doubtless  true  that  the  yeomen  of  the  colony  lived 
on  coarse  food,  the  products  of  their  own  acres,  it  is  evident 
that  the  merchants,  noted  families  of  the  seaports,  enjoyed  the 
luxuries,  particularly  finely  prepared  grain. 


H 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


In  1728  is  the  record,  “  Invoice  of  224  half  Barrels  flour,  shipt 
on  board  the  sloop  Rhuby  —  Thomas  Barnes,  master,  bound  for 
Boston  for  the  propper  account  and  risque  of  Peter  Bagard,  and 
goes  consigned  to  Mr.  Peter  Faneuil,  Mercht.,  &  Mr.  Theodore 
Delacroix  of  Rochelle.”  The  Rochelle  merchant  was,  doubt¬ 
less,  a  cousin  of  Peter,  and  son  of  Susannah  Faneuil  Delacroix, 
of  France. 

These  Boston  merchants  were  not  at  a  loss  for  amusements, 
the  Huguenot  families  doubtless  indulging  in  some  that  the 
more  conservative  Puritans  would  not  tolerate.  Pefer  Faneuil 
has  consigned  to  him  “  ^  gross,  man  in  the  moon  cards,”  also 
“  1  chest  of  20  muskets,  and  one  Large  pair  Looking  Glasses.” 

The  dangers  that  merchantmen  encountered  in  those  days 
are  suggested  by  the  following:  “Sept.  25,  1725  Invoice  of 
what  remains  of  a  parcel  of  merchandize  shipt  by  Silas  Roaper 
of  London  on  board  ye  ship  Thomasine ;  Samuel  Thorrow,  who 
was  taken  by  ye  pyrots  being  for  account  of  under  mentioned 
persons.  Abraham  and  Egbert  Eden ;  Silas  Hooper,  Henry 
Frankland;  and  Peter  Faneuil.”  Julian  Verplanck  of  New 
York  conducted  business  for  the  estate  of  Anne  Faneuil, 
deceased.  He  consigned  fifty  half-barrels  of  flour  for  this 
estate  in  1728  to  Peter  Faneuil.  By  this  we  see  that  the  widow 
of  Benjamin,  and  mother  of  Peter,  had  died,  and  the  Rochelle 
home  at  New  York  had  gone  into  other  hands.  We  have 
already  seen  that  three  of  Benjamin  and  Anne’s  children  have 
located  in  Boston,  and  upon  further  examination  find  three 
others  followed  them.  Marie  married  Mr.  Gillam  Phillips, 
August  6,  1725,  and  settled  in  a  home  at  the  corner  of  State 
and  Devonshire  streets,  or,  as  called  at  that  time,  King  Street 
and  Pudding  Lane. 

Anne  married  Addington  Davenport,  who  was  an  assistant 
at  King’s  Chapel  in  1737  and  the  first  rector  of  Trinity  Church, 
of  which  her  brother  Benjamin  was  an  officer  at  the  opening. 

Susannah  married  James  Boutineau,  a  lawyer  in  Boston,  and 


FREAKS  OF  ANDREW  FANEUIL 


15 


lived  on  Milk  Street.  He  managed  the  famous  case  of  his  son- 
in-law,  Robinson,  who  assaulted  James  Otis.  Thus  we  have  the 
family,  with  the  exception  of  Francis,  whom  we  know  nothing 
about,  all  settled  in  Boston  and  well  connected  as  far  as 
matrimonial  alliances  have  been  made.1 

The  domestic  side  of  our  nature  prompts  us  to  desire  to  get 
nearer  to  these  Faneuil  merchants  than  a  glimpse  into  their 
business  affairs  will  admit.  Were  these  young  men  married  ? 
and  where  did  they  live  ?  are  natural  inquiries ;  for  this  was 
an  age  when  early  marriages  were  the  rule  rather  than  the 
exception;  and  what  of  Uncle  Andrew  there  in  his  beautiful 
home  on  Tremont  Street,  surrounded  by  seven  acres  of  garden 
abounding  in  everything  that  wealth  could  procure?  No  class 
of  people  knew  better  how  to  cultivate  a  garden  than  the  Hugue¬ 
nots.  They  were  acknowledged  to  be  the  best  gardeners,  fruit 
and  vine  growers  in  all  the  world.  Were  the  nephews,  Benjamin 
and  Peter,  happy,  unfettered  members  of  their  uncle’s  home  ? 
Alas  !  we  fear  not.  Bereft  of  the  bride  of  his  youth,  Andrew 
Faneuil  never  transferred  his  affections  to  another  to  occupy 
her  place,  and,  according  to  a  well-founded  tradition,  he  seemed 
determined  to  place  a  blockade  about  the  heart  of  each  member 
of  his  family.  He  had  more  than  an  uncle’s  affection  for  these 
young  men,  who  had  proved  their  business  ability,  under  his 
careful  direction,  and  he  would  fain  take  one  nearer  to  his  heart 
to  be  his  heir  and  representative  in  the  world.  But  he  thought 

1  The  Faneuil  family  were  connected  with  King’s  Chapel,  and  were  of  the  number 
who,  in  1734,  adopted  measures  for  building  an  Episcopal  church,  Trinity,  at  the 
corner  of  Hawley  and  Summer  streets.  They  had  pews  in  both.  Interest  in  the 
rector  of  the  new  church,  doubtless,  led  Peter  and  his  sister  Mary  Anne  to  frequent 
that  under  the  pastoral  care  of  their  brother-in-law.  But  they  did  not  lose  their 
interest  in  King’s  Chapel,  their  first  church  home  after  leaving  the  French  church. 
It  appears  that  Peter  Faneuil  was  one  of  the  first  to  move  toward  building  the  stone 
chapel  in  place  of  the  old  one,  erected  of  wood  in  1688.  Among  the  subscribers  for 
the  stone  chapel  in  1741  appear  the  names  of  Governor  Shirley,  Sir  Henry  Frankland, 
and  Peter  Faneuil,  a  famous  trio  in  Boston’s  history.  Peter  Faneuil  was  made  treasurer 
of  the  building  fund,  but  his  death  occurred  before  the  house  was  erected. 


i6 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


of  the  contingencies  of  such  a  course,  and  was  perplexed. 
Comfortably  ensconced  in  his  beautiful  home,  surrounded  with 
all  material  things  that  wealth  could  procure,  Andrew  Faneuil 
resolved  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  keep  this  estate  in  his  pre¬ 
scribed  circle,  and  if  possible  make  sure  of  his  successor.  But 
had  he  used  the  judgment  in  this  matter  which  he  exercised  in 
ordinary  affairs,  he  would  have  seen  that  he  was  adopting  the 
very  method  to  defeat  his  fond  purpose. 

He  selects  the  young  man  Benjamin,  who  seems  to  come  the 
nearest  to  his  ideal.  Bright  and  full  of  promise,  the  young 
merchant  becomes  one  of  the  family,  and  soon  finds  a  large 
place  within  the  inner  circle  of  his  uncle’s  affections.  The 
young  man  entered  upon  the  enjoyment  of  this  life  with 
the  spoken  or  implied  agreement  on  the  part  of  him  who  had 
the  title  deed,  that  it  should  be  Benjamin’s  on  the  condition 
that  he  should  be  content  to  live  a  single  life.  There  was,  how¬ 
ever,  an  exception  of  a  small  portion  which  a  semi-enlightened 
conscience  prompted  him  to  give  to  the  Lord,  and  to  family  and 
friends  at  a  distance.  The  home,  the  name,  the  armorial  bear¬ 
ings,  and  the  great  residue  should  be  the  reward  of  obedience  to 
the  whims  of  a  fussy  old  man  in  his  dotage,  who,  having  held  his 
purse  with  a  tight  grip  during  life,  would  still  continue  to  cling 
to  it  in  death.  Benjamin  Faneuil  enjoyed  this  for  a  time,  but 
after  a  while  was  surfeited  with  the  good  things.  Even  Eden 
with  all  its  attractions  is  not  enough  if  there  be  one  limitation. 
A  fair  and  gentle  maiden  chanced  to  glide  along,  and  almost 
unobserved  ran  the  blockade,  when  the  citadel  of  Benjamin’s 
heart  surrendered  with  no  show  of  opposition.  The  lady  was 
Mary  Cutler,  daughter  of  an  Episcopal  clergyman  ;  she  was 
highly  educated,  had  decided  literary  tastes,  and  withal  was  a 
poetess.  One  might  think  that  the  superiority  of  this  young 
lady  and  the  position  which  she  naturally  occupied  would  cause 
the  reigning  power  of  the  house  of  Faneuil  to  relent,  but  Ben¬ 
jamin  knew  better.  For  a  time  he  tried  to  serve  two  masters, 


THE  BANISHED  BENJAMIN 


1 7 


but  soon  learned  the  folly  of  it.  An  idle  gossip,  perhaps  foiled 
in  her  ambitions,  brought  the  news  to  the  housekeeper,  who  made 
haste  to  deliver  the  message  to  the  elder  Faneuil,  who,  after  the 
apparent  enjoyment  of  a  good  breakfast  with  his  chosen  nephew 
at  the  board,  pushed  back  in  his  chair,  thrust  his  thumbs  into 
the  armholes  of  his  waistcoat,  and  propounded  the  fatal  question 
to  the  young  man.  There  was  but  one  reply,  and  it  brought 
forth  the  edict  of  expulsion.  We  can  but  follow  the  brave  young 
man  as  he  leaves  the  lap  of  luxury  to  make  his  own  fortune, 
which  he  has  already  proved  his  ability  to  do.  Making  his 
home,  perhaps,  with  one  of  his  sisters,  he  gives  attention  to  his 
well-established  business,  and  in  about  one  year  he  marries  the 
fair  young  lady.  They  establish  a  home  and  are  honored 
members  of  society  in  the  town.  In  about  a  year  they  bring 
to  the  altar,  for  baptism,  a  son,  whose  name  is  declared  to  be 
Benjamin ;  others  who  follow  in  subsequent  years  are  Peter 
and  Mary. 

Turning  with  feelings  of  contempt  to  the  Elder,  we  find  him 
sitting  alone  by  his  hearthstone,  in  deep  meditation.  He  real¬ 
izes  most  keenly  his  situation,  and  knows  that  unless  he  makes 
new  plans,  all  his  fond  ambitions  may  go  for  naught.  He  is  not 
long  in  reaching  a  conclusion  :  there  is  Peter,  an  enterprising 
young  man,  eldest  son  of  his  brother  Benjamin,  well  established 
in  business,  and  more  closely  allied  with  him  than  his  ejected 
brother  had  been,  as  regards  their  commercial  interests  ;  in  fact, 
Andrew  and  his  nephew  Peter  have  made  records  in  the  one 
folio. 

Peter  is  free  from  any  matrimonial  entanglements,  and  is  one 
whom  the  old  gentleman  believes  is  well  fortified  against  the 
darts  of  the  one  dreaded  enemy.  He  calls  him  into  his  count¬ 
ing-room,  rehearses  his  bitter  disappointment,  and  offers  to 
transfer  the  plan  to  Peter’s  interest  on  the  same  conditions. 
The  position  is  an  awkward  one.  Andrew  and  his  rejected 
nephew  have  warehouses  on  the  same  street,  very  near  one 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


another,  and  their  commercial  affairs  are  more  or  less  joined. 
Then  Peter  does  not  wish  to  alienate  the  affections  of  his 
brother,  and  be  it  remembered,  to  the  credit  of  the  young 
men,  there  is  no  evidence  of  other  than  the  most  friendly  rela¬ 
tions  during  all  that  follows. 

It  is  not  long  before  Peter  Faneuil  is  the  heir  presumptive, 
the  “  last  will  ”  of  Andrew  having  been  set  aside  for  another 
“  last  will,”  with  the  former  revoked.  In  peace  and  harmony 
with  all  the  family  and  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  whimsical 
uncle’s  demands,  the  young  man  grows  in  the  esteem  of  his 
fellow-men. 

He  has  the  advantage  of  his  brother,  whose  experience 
serves  as  a  warning,  and,  too,  there  are  less  years  for  the  Elder 
to  reign. 

But  Peter  Faneuil  is  not  one  who  is  contented  to  drive  his 
uncle’s  horses,  smoke  his  uncle’s  cigars,  and,  dressed  in  purple 
and  fine  linen,  stand  about,  waiting  for  a  dead  man’s  shoes. 
There  is  none  of  that  shiftless  trait  in  his  nature.  He  has  his 
own  argosies  abroad,  which  make  good  time  and  bring  in  pleasing 
returns.  He  receives  goods  from  correspondents  in  England, 
Portugal,  and  France,  sells  them,  and  makes  return  in  new 
ships,  fish,  or  other  merchandise.  It  appears  that  he  at  times 
ventures  vessel  and  cargo,  or  goes  in  shares  with  his  uncle, 
brother,  or  friends,  either  at  home  or  abroad.  But  the  busi¬ 
ness  of  the  time  is  largely  done  on  commission.  He  charges 
five  per  cent  on  fish,  oil,  or  gold,  and  is  careful  that  he  gets  it. 
The  merchandise  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made 
consists  of  an  assorted  importation  for  Boston  dealers,  who  are 
charged  with  the  cost  and  an  agreed  advance.  In  the  winter 
of  1735-36  we  find  that  Peter  Faneuil  is  engaged  in  building 
the  ship  Providence  for  the  account  of  Mr.  William  Limbery 
of  Bristol,  England.  He  has  a  good  deal  of  business  with 
Limbery,  receiving  from  him  English  goods,  chiefly  textile 
fabrics.  But  Faneuil  refuses  five  hundred  pieces  of  “  Duroys  ” 


COMMERCIAL  DIFFICULTIES 


i9 


unless  he  can  make  returns  in  fish  the  following  year.  In  regard 
to  the  proposal  Faneuil  writes  :  “  It  is  impossible  to  sell  goods, 
to  raise  money  out  of  them  to  Purchase  Spring  Fish.”  He 
reports  on  January  24,  1736,  that  the  ship  is  ready  upon  the 
stocks,  but  waiting  for  the  harbor  to  be  free  from  “Ye  vast 
quantities  of  Ice.”  A  slight  hint  of  the  extent  of  his  commer¬ 
cial  interests  is  obtained  from  an  account  current,  which  shows 
a  balance  due  Limbery  of  ^8965  14^.  6d.,  made  from  the  sales 
of  several  shipments  therein  detailed. 

The  winter  was  very  severe,  business  had  been  “Impossible 
Scarcely,”  but  in  March,  1736,  the  Providence  was  loaded  and 
sailed  for  Bordeaux.  Her  freight  consisted  of  137  hhds. 
19  bbls.  brown  sugar,  7  hhds.  336  bis.  white  sugar,  owned  by 
John  Segal  of  that  port.  The  freight  on  sugars  was  to  be  2s. 
6d.  per  cwt.  She  carried  2  hhds.  indigo  also,  with  1 1  M.  bar¬ 
rel  staves,  “  1 1  Escriptores,”  and  about  8  doz.  finished  oars. 
Faneuil  hopes  Limbery  will  load  the  Providence  back  with  salt, 
and  he  will  be  ready  to  reload  her  with  fish. 

The  young  merchant  records  himself  as  sorely  vexed  “  thro’ 
the  Caprice  of  the  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  here.  And  it  is  in 
no  way  founded  on  Law  nor  Justice.”  He  very  naturally  uses 
his  influence  to  have  the  official  dismissed ;  “  for  he  is  a  Vile  man.” 
Failing  in  that,  he  says,  “  I  hope  you  will  get  a  Letter  of  Repri¬ 
mand  from  their  Lordships  to  him,  which  I  desire  you  will  send 
me  open,  that  so  for  the  future  there  may  be  no  more  such 
Impositions  on  the  faire  trader.” 

Faneuil's  bills  of  cost  on  the  ship  Providence  were  ^4873 
6s.  2d.,  and  the  small  portion  of  the  cargo  furnished  by  him 
amounted  to  ^,'511  is.  id.  He  notes  that  there  is  a  balance 
due  Limbery,  but  not  enough  to  pay  for  a  cargo  of  fish,  when 
she  returns  for  freight.  Faneuil  soon  records  a  lamentation 
over  the  decline  in  ship-building,  saying,  “  Wee  have  43  sails  of 
vessells  now  a  Building  in  this  Town,  and  there  is  nothing  but 
Disappointmt  to  be  expected  from  them.” 


20 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Smuggling  was  not  beneath  the  moral  standard  of  these  early 
merchants,  and  one  need  not  be  at  loss  to  know  what  caused 
the  trouble  with  the  Admiralty  Court,  when  it  appears  that  in 
June,  1737,  Laneuil  sends  Mr.  Thomas  Lloyd  at  a  Southern 
port  “  a  box  of  fine  Barcelona  handkerchiefs  to  be  sold  for  his 
account,  and  the  net  proceeds  returned  in  pork,  wheat,  or  flour ; 
value  of  62  doz.  at  jQ’j.  is  ^434,”  and  with  the  goods  the  follow¬ 
ing  instructions  :  — 

“Ye  Mb  [Captain]  does  not  know  what  they  are  and  you 
cannot  be  insensible  that  they  cannot  be  Imported  openly,  there¬ 
fore  I  desire  yr-  care  in  gettg.  of  them  on  Shore  Immediately 
on  yre  Arrival.” 

Peter  Laneuil  builds  ships  for  Miguel  Pachecoda  Silva  of 
Cadiz,  and  also  for  Mr.  Thomas  Quay  of  Kingston,  Jamaica, 
having  other  business  relations  with  both  parties.  He  does 
not  hesitate  to  press  his  demands  in  payment,  and  declares  to 
Quay,  “  I"1  surprized  that  you  sent  so  small  a  matter  of  effects 
as  to  carry  forward  such  an  undertaking  and  yl  by  a  stranger, 
should  you  fail  of  sending  it,  you  may  depend  that  I  shant  go 
on  with  her.”  Fearing  that  Mr.  Quay  may  not  be  fully  impressed, 
he  sends  another  letter,  saying,  “there  are  five  ships  belonging 
to  the  West  Indies  lying  at  the  wharves,  which  the  factors 
would  not  let  go,  for  lack  of  payment,  so  that  I  hope  you’1  Pre¬ 
vent  yi  being  one  of  the  number.” 

It  was  while  the  young  merchant  was  engrossed  with  his  per¬ 
sonal  cares  that  he  received  the  added  burden  of  his  uncle’s 
business.  In  June,  1737,  we  find  him  writing  with  business 
directions  to  his  agent  abroad,  “my  Uncle  —  Mr.  Faneuil,  has 
been  indisposed  ever  since  February  last,  and  has  been  obliged 
to  keep  his  chamber  for  upwards  of  eighteen  months,  he  is  a 
little  better,  and  just  begins  to  come  down  stairs,  he  desires 
to  be  remembered  to  you  and  all  your  good  family.”  Andrew 
Faneuil  had  large  investments  at  home  and  abroad.  The 
uncertainty  of  finance  and  great  depreciation  of  currency  at 


FANEUIL  INVESTMENTS 


21 


this  time  impelled  such  merchants,  having  accumulated  wealth, 
to  seek  for  the  solid  investments  of  the  mother  country,  and  the 
elder  Faneuil  had  put  his  surplus  money  in  good  bank  stock 
and  other  reliable  property. 

While  confined  by  illness,  Andrew  Faneuil  receives  a  commu¬ 
nication  from  his  banker,  and  Peter  replies  on  December  8, 
1 737,  to  Claude  Fonnereau  &  Sons,  London,  telling  of  the  ill¬ 
ness  of  his  uncle  and  acknowledging  Fonnereau’s  advice  of 
dividend  received  on  Faneuil’s  ,£14,800  Bank  stock;  3  per  cent 
received  on  ,£1000  Exchequer  annuity,  and  the  reinvestment  of 
his  balance  in  £200  East  India  Compy.  Bond,  and  £200 
Bank  Stock.  All  this  greatly  pleases  the  old  Huguenot,  and 
he  finds  a  solace  in  his  weary  hours,  through  considering  his 
rapidly  accumulating  wealth. 


CHAPTER  III 


Rectors  of  Trinity  Church.  The  Tender  Side  of  Andrew  Faneuil's  Nature. 
An  Orphan  in  the  Home.  Death  of  Andrew  Faneuil.  Mourning  Rings  and 
Gloves.  Boston’s  Most  Costly  Funeral.  The  Last  Will  and  its  Secrets. 
Provision  for  Poor  of  Boston.  Copies  of  Will  sent  to  Foreign  Lands.  Peter 
Faneuil  becomes  the  Merchant  Prince  of  Boston.  He  re-stocks  the  Faneuil 
Mansion.  Peter  Faneuil  sells  Fish  and  buys  a  Negro  Boy  to  serve  him. 

HEN  Andrew  Faneuil  was  laid  aside  from  active  life  and 


*  »  the  mists  gathered  about  his  head,  even  the  most  censo¬ 
rious  gave  pause,  and  those  who  had  seen  little  to  commend  and 
much  to  criticise  in  the  long  life  of  that  leading  merchant, 
began  to  cast  up  the  good  deeds  of  the  old  Huguenot ;  for  An¬ 
drew  Faneuil,  with  all  his  eccentricities,  had  not  failed  to  scatter 
seeds  of  kindness  along  the  winding  pathway  of  his  journey. 
It  is  ever  so;  even  the  human  accountant  at  the  end  of  the  life 
of  a  fellow-mortal  finds  much  to  place  on  the  credit  side  of  the 
balancing  sheet  when  he  has  made  free  only  with  his  debits  as 
long  as  the  account  was  kept  open. 

It  was  not  surprising  that  Andrew  Faneuil  should  cling  with 
tenacity  to  his  own  little  church.  It  stood  for  that  faith  for 
which  he  had  left  home,  kindred,  and  native  land.  But  as  he 
saw  it  was  waning,  and  its  utter  extinction  inevitable,  he  turned 
his  attention  to  Trinity  Church,  over  which  Rev.  Addington 
Davenport,  who  had  married  his  niece,  was  rector.  An  assist¬ 
ant  minister  in  this  church  was  Rev.  Mr.  Cutler,  son  of  Timothy 
Cutler,  D.D.,  the  rector  of  Christ  Church.  This  young  clergy- 


22 


DEATH  OF  ANDREW  FANEU1L 


23 


man  had  made  his  way  to  the  heart  of  the  old  merchant,  early 
in  his  connection  with  the  church,  and  received  many  tokens  of 
his  favor,  and  no  member  of  his  flock  was  more  distressed  at  his 
early  death  than  Andrew  Faneuil.  In  testimony  of  his  fond¬ 
ness  for  the  young  minister,  he  made  immediate  provision  for 
the  widow  and  her  infant  daughter.  It  was  not  long  before 
Mrs.  Cutler  followed  her  husband  within  the  shadow,  and  the 
child  was  left  an  object  of  charity.  The  merchant  attended 
the  funeral  rites  and  then  took  the  orphan  and  its  nurse  to  his 
own  home.  The  prattle  of  a  little  child,  innocent  of  its  loss,  was 
a  new  sound  in  that  mansion,  and  the  little  feet  made  their  timid 
way  over  rich  carpets  seldom  pressed  by  childish  feet,  while 
its  merry  face  peered  out  from  behind  the  damask  draperies, 
where  no  such  figure  had  been  seen  before. 

This  little  girl  was  not  long  in  detecting  a  responsive  chord  in 
the  ill-tuned  nature  of  her  aged  friend,  and  she  ventured  to  come 
nearer  to  him  ;  but  before  she  had  full  control  of  the  key  that 
was  to  unlock  the  heart  of  the  old  Huguenot,  he  was  gone. 
She  remained  in  the  home,  however,  until,  as  a  young  lady,  she 
went  forth  the  bride  of  Captain  Cochran,  who  was  one  of  the 
Faneuil  sailing-masters. 

Andrew  Faneuil’s  death  occurred  in  February,  1738,  and  was 
an  occasion  of  great  importance  in  the  town  and  whole  province. 
Peter  Faneuil  was  careful  that  every  propriety  of  the  occasion 
should  be  observed  without  stint.  If  we  can  believe  the  reports 
of  the  time,  there  were  three  thousand  pairs  of  mourning  gloves 
distributed  to  the  friends  in  attendance  at  the  funeral,  and  when 
time  would  admit,  two  hundred  mourning  rings  were  given  to 
the  nearer  friends.  The  wealth  and  standing  of  the  merchant 
are  indicated  by  the  account  seen  in  the  Boston  News  Letter  of 
the  23d  of  the  month  in  which  he  died.  “  Last  Monday  the 
corpse  of  Andrew  Faneuil,  Esquire,  whose  death  we  mentioned 
in  our  last,  was  honorably  interred  here,  above  1,100  persons  of 
all  Ranks,  beside  the  Mourners,  following  the  Corpse,  also  a 


24 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


vast  number  of  Spectators  were  gathered  together  on  the  Occa¬ 
sion,  at  which  time  the  half-minute  guns  from  on  board  several 
vessels  were  discharged.  And  ’tis  supposed  that  as  the  Gentle¬ 
man’s  fortune  was  the  greatest  of  any  among  us,  so  his  funeral 
was  the  most  generous  and  expensive  of  any  that  has  been 
known  here.” 

Could  we  with  some  magician’s  wand  cause  that  throng  of 
dignitaries  of  provincial  Boston  to  pass  before  us  into  Granary 
Burying  Ground,  and  standing  aside,  with  cocked  hats  in  their 
gloved  hands,  bow  their  bewigged  heads  while  the  body  of  their 
fellow-townsman  is  consigned  to  the  tomb,  we  should  see  many 
of  them,  when  withdrawing,  shrug  their  shoulders  beneath  their 
cloaks,  and  we  should  hear  them  whisper  from  man  to  man, 
“  Now  let  us  see  how  Peter  will  make  the  money  fly.” 

It  had  been  generally  understood,  since  the  peremptory  expul¬ 
sion  of  Benjamin,  that  Peter  was  to  be  the  fortunate  one,  and 
the  community  watched  eagerly  for  the  last  will  of  the  deceased. 
They  were  not  long  delayed ;  for  it  was  soon  entered  and 
allowed  in  the  manner  of  all  such  posthumous  documents  unless 
undue  influence  can  be  shown,  and  there  it  stands  to-day  among 
the  yellow  probate  records  of  provincial  days  in  Suffolk  County. 
Fearing  that  my  busy  reader  will  never  take  time  to  decipher 
its  many  parts  (for  like  the  sermons  of  the  time  it  runs  to 
“Eighteenthly”),  I  furnish  the  following  abstract  of  Andrew 
Faneuil’s  will.  “  I  commit  my  soul  to  God  the  Father,  Son 
and  Holy  Ghost,  humbly  begging  the  pardon  of  my  sins,  the 
perfecting  of  my  charities,  and  everlasting  life  above.” 

He  first  testifies  of  his  love  for  the  French  church  in  Boston, 
by  leaving  his  warehouse  in  trust  for  the  support  of  the  minis¬ 
ters  and  elders;  but  seeing  that  the  Huguenots,  through  inter¬ 
marriage  with  the  Puritan  element,  would  soon  raise  up  a  class 
of  citizens  in  the  town,  who  would  have  no  affiliations  with  the 
French  church  of  the  pioneers,  Mr.  Faneuil  provided  that  in 
case  it  should  cease  to  be,  then  said  warehouse  should  revert  to 


THE  LAST  WILL  AND  ITS  SECRETS 


25 


his  heirs  —  “excluding  Benjamin  Laneuil,  of  Boston,  and  the 
heirs  of  his  body  forever”  —  this  last  clause  is  in  evidence  of 
the  wrath  of  that  fatal  morning,  which  had  not  abated. 

Secondly,  to  said  Erench  church,  three  pieces  of  plate  to  the 
value  of  ^36  sterling,  “  a  flaggon  for  the  communion  table,  a 
plate  for  the  bread,  and  a  basin  to  christen  the  children,  with 
the  coat  of  arms  and  name  of  the  donor  engraven  upon  each 
of  them.” 

Thirdly,  p£ioo  in  Province  bills,  to  be  paid  to  the  elders 
for  the  poor  of  the  French  church. 

Fourthly,  ^50  in  Province  bills  and  “a  suit  of  mourning, 
throughout,”  to  the  French  minister. 

Fifthly,  ;£ioo  in  Province  bills  to  the  overseers  for  the  poor 
of  Boston. 

Sixthly,  to  the  Rev.  Benjamin  Colman  “a  suit  of  mourning 
throughout.” 

It  seems  a  pity  that  the  conditions  of  this  will  could  not  have 
been  known  in  time  for  these  favored  clergymen  to  secure  their 
suits  of  mourning  throughout  before  the  funeral  ceremonies. 

Seventhly,  “to  my  loving  brother,  John  Faneuil,  of  Rochelle, 
one  hundred  pounds  sterling.” 

Eighthly,  “  to  my  loving  brother-in-law,  Peter  Cossart,  of  Cork 
in  Ireland,  and  his  sister,  Susannah  Cossart  of  Amsterdam, 
,£50  each,  to  buy  mourning.” 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  these  kinsfolk  across  the  ocean  received 
their  legacies  in  time  to  buy  the  mourning  before  they  had  for¬ 
gotten  the  thoughtful  man  of  Boston  who  thus  anticipated 
their  grief. 

Ninthly,  “to  Benjamin  Faneuil,  of  Boston,  son  of  my 
brother,  Benjamin  Faneuil,  deceased,  five  shillings  and  no 
more.” 

It  was  this  “  ninthly  ”  that  set  the  community  agog.  But 
justice  is  yet  to  be  meted  out  to  the  disinherited  Benjamin. 

Tenthly,  to  his  executor  in  trust  eight  thousand  ounces  in  silver 


2  6 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


or  “pieces  of  eight,”  to  purchase  an  estate  of  inheritance  at  his 
discretion,  within  one  year  after  the  testator’s  death,  for  his  lov¬ 
ing  niece,  Mary,  wife  of  Gillam  Phillips,  and  the  heirs  of  her 
body. 

Eleventhly,  to  her  son  Andrew,  five  hundred  ounces  of  silver. 

The  next  three  bequests  are  to  his  nieces,  Anne,  Susannah, 
and  Marian,  ,£2000  sterling  each.  The  first  two  to  be  paid 
six  months  after  his  death,  and  the  last  at  majority  or  marriage  ; 
four  per  cent  to  be  allowed  her  per  annum,  ad  interim,  and  she 
to  be  maintained  by  the  executor  till  she  attain  full  age  or  is 
married. 

The  special  favor  to  Marian  (Mary  Anne)1  was  because  of  her 
being  a  member  of  the  household  and  giving  her  personal 
service  to  Andrew  Faneuil. 

P'ifteenthly,  to  his  loving  sister,  Susannah  F.,  widow  of 
Abraham  Delacroix,  of  Rochelle,  ,£1000  sterling. 

Sixteenthly  is  a  provision  of  five  hundred  ounces  of  silver  to 
his  servant  maid,  Hendrine  Boyltins,  and  she  also  has  a  suit  of 
mourning  throughout. 

The  seventeenthly  proves  Henry  Johnson,  her  son,  to  have 
found  a  warm  place  in  the  old  gentleman’s  affections,  for  he  was 
given  one  hundred  and  fifty  ounces  of  silver.  This  youth  made 
a  like  good  impression  upon  Peter’s  mind  and  became  his  confi¬ 
dential  clerk. 

It  is  the  eighteenthly  that  gives  the  promised  reward  to  Peter 
for  his  obedience  — the  reward  of  celibacy.  “  I  give,  bequeath, 
and  devise  all  the  rest  of  my  estate,  both  real  and  personal, 
whatsoever  and  wheresoever  ’tis  in  New  England,  Great 
Britain,  France,  Holland,  or  any  other  part  of  the  world  to  my 
loving  nephew  Peter  Faneuil  eldest  son  of  my  late  brother 
Benjamin  Faneuil,  to  hold  to  him  and  his  heirs  forever.” 

Peter  was  appointed  sole  executor  of  this  will,  and  imme¬ 
diately  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  obligations. 

1  Mary  Anne  is  frequently  spelled  Marian. 


THE  LAST  WILL  AND  ITS  SECRETS 


2  7 


The  question  “  How  much  did  he  leave  ?  ”  so  frequently 
asked,  was  never  satisfactorily  answered  ;  for  Peter  evidently 
did  not  make  a  return  of  the  footing  up  of  the  estate,  although 
John,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  as  was  the  custom,  sent  his 
commission  to  Judge  Willard,  from  the  Prerogative  Court,  to 
swear  Peter,  to  render  a  true  inventory,  etc.  In  fact,  it  would 
be  of  little  satisfaction  to  us  if  he  had  put  it  upon  the  records. 
It  is  sufficient  that  the  deceased  was  honored  at  his  burial  as 
being  the  most  wealthy  merchant  of  the  town.  To  be  at  the 
head  is  enough.  With  the  will  fully  in  mind  let  us  see  how  the 
“  loving  nephew  ”  proceeded  with  the  business.  He  imme¬ 
diately  announced  his  uncle’s  death  to  his  foreign  correspond¬ 
ents,  and  furnished  those  who  were  acting  as  custodians  with 
duly  certified  copies  of  the  will. 

The  executor  gave  immediate  attention  to  the  courtesy  which 
custom  required  —  that  of  furnishing  relatives  and  friends  of 
the  deceased  with  mourning  rings.  The  duty  was  entrusted  to 
Samuel  and  William  Baker,  agents  in  London,  who  were  to 
procure  the  handsomest  rings  that  could  be  made  and  engraved. 
PTom  time  to  time  Peter  sent  orders  to  these  agents  to  forward 
to  other  agents  rings  from  the  supply  prepared.  He  also  in 
due  time  gave  orders  to  his  London  agents  to  pay  from  the 
funds  of  his  deceased  uncle  in  their  hands  the  legacies  before 
mentioned,  save  that  to  the  sister  of  the  testator,  Susannah  L., 
widow  of  Abraham  Delacroix,  of  Rochelle,  which  was  revoked 
by  a  codicil,  in  which  is  read,  “  My  mind  and  my  will  is  that 
my  said  sister  Susannah  L.  shall  not  have  the  said  thousand 
pounds,  nor  any  part  of  it.” 

What  sin  of  omission  or  commission  Andrew  Laneuil  could 
have  charged  to  his  widowed  sister  at  home  in  the  mother-town 
does  not  appear  in  any  of  the  fragments  at  hand,  but  we  fancy 
that  Benjamin,  with  his  five  shillings  instead  of  the  bulk  of  the 
estate,  and  Susannah  L.,  without  any  proof  of  her  brother’s  love, 
may  have  exchanged  messages  of  condolence. 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Having  fulfilled  the  conditions  of  the  will  of  his  late  uncle, 
Peter  Faneuil  enters  upon  the  full  possession  of  the  estate. 
He  is  now  the  reigning  power.  He  walks  through  the  seven- 
acre  garden  with  the  satisfied  feeling  of  possession.  He 
cherishes  the  good  old-fashioned  flowers  “  quaint  in  form  and 
bright  in  hue,”  because  they  were  dear  to  his  uncle’s  heart. 
They  spoke  of  the  old  home  in  France,  from  which  Uncle 
Andrew  had  imported  them,  with  many  varieties  of  choice 
fruits  that  were  here  successfully  cultivated. 

In  writing  of  this  estate,  says  Miss  Quincy:  “The  deep 
courtyard,  ornamented  by  flowers  and  shrubs,  was  divided 
into  an  upper  and  lower  platform,  by  a  high  glacis,  surrounded 
by  a  richly  wrought  railing  decorated  with  gilt  balls.  The 
terraces  which  rose  from  the  paved  court  behind  the  house 
were  supported  by  massive  walls  of  hewn  granite,  and  were 
ascended  by  flights  of  steps  of  the  same  material.  One  of  the 
ornaments  of  this  tasteful  garden  was  a  summer  house  which 
resembled  an  Eastern  pagoda,  and  from  the  little  spire  which 
surmounted  it  there  glittered  and  whirled  about  in  olden  times 
a  gilded  grasshopper,  for  a  vane,  in  imitation  of  the  one  upon 
the  Royal  Exchange  in  London.  The  summer  house  from  its 
elevated  situation  commanded  a  lovely  view,  and  for  many 
successive  years  the  Johonnot  and  Faneuil  gardens  were 
remembered  for  their  choice  fruits  and  flowers  as  things  of 
aesthetic  beauty.” 

In  this  garden,  styled  the  “  Eden  of  Beauty,”  Mr.  Faneuil 
set  up  hothouses  in  which  he  cultivated  choice  tropical  fruits, 
thereby  earning  for  himself  the  honor  of  being  a  pioneer  in  this 
important  auxiliary  of  the  market  of  modern  times. 

The  Faneuil  residence  was  a  magnificent  mansion  of  the  time, 
standing  back  from  the  street,  in  the  midst  of  the  ample  garden 
with  its  many  attractions. 

This  all  belonged  to  Peter  now,  and  was  known  as  the 
residence  of  Peter  Faneuil,  Esq. 


Faneuil  Mansion 


THE  MERCHANT  PRINCE  OF  BOSTON 


29 


Would  the  reader  relocate  all  this  beauty  of  provincial 
Boston,  let  him  pass  up  Tremont  Street,  and  taking  a  stand  by 
King’s  Chapel,  see  Houghton  &  Dutton’s  store,  Suffolk  Bank, 
and  the  other  buildings  of  that  square  dissolve  from  his  view, 
and  in  their  place  appear  what  we  have  thus  faintly  described. 

Peter  Faneuil  was  about  thirty-eight  years  of  age,1  when  he 
came  in  full  possession  of  his  uncle’s  fortune,  which,  added  to 
his  own  accumulations,  made  him  the  merchant  prince  of  his 
time,  —  “the  topiniest  merchant  in  all  the  town,”  said  Thomas 
Hancock.  A  genial  disposition  and  good  living,  together  with 
his  age,  had  favored  him  with  large,  well-rounded  features,  and 
corpulence  sufficient  to  make  him  “  one  of  the  solid  men  of  the 
town.” 

Peter  Faneuil  had  tastes  and  ambitions  in  keeping  with  his 
fortune ;  and  he  lost  no  time  in  appropriating  his  inheritance  to 
his  own  comfort  and  that  of  others. 

He  was  fond  of  display  and  good  living,  and  the  customs  of 
the  times  encouraged  him  in  the  fullest  indulgence  of  his  incli¬ 
nations. 

He  walked  about  his  warehouses  and  wharves  with  a  com¬ 
manding  step,  and  took  delight  in  the  deference  shown  him  by 
his  associates.  His  doors  were  ever  open  to  his  friends,  and 
ample  hospitality  was  freely  dispensed. 

“Here’s  to  Peter  Faneuil,”  were  the  words  often  uttered  as 
embroidered  ruffles  fell  about  the  bumper  when  touching  the 
lips  of  the  brilliantly  attired  gentlemen  who  frequented  the 
Faneuil  home. 

The  old  stock  in  the  wine  cellar  soon  ran  low,  and  in  about 
three  weeks  from  the  date  of  his  uncle’s  death  Peter  writes 
Pope  &  Co.,  at  Madeira,  thus  :  — 

1  From  family  record:  “The  20th  of  June  1700,  being  Thursday,  at  6  o’clock,  in 
the  evening  was  born  our  son,  Peter  Faneuil,  and  he  was  baptized  the  14th  of  July 
by  Mr.  Peyret,  Minister  of  the  French  church  in  New  York,  presented  in  baptism  by 
Mr.  Claude  Bowdoin  and  its  mother.” 


30 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


“  Send  me  by  the  very  first  opportunity  for  this  place  five 
pipes  of  your  very  best  Madeira  wine,  of  an  amber  color,  of  the 
same  sort  which  you  sent  to  our  good  friend  De  Lancy  of  New 
York.” 

He  directs  them  to  draw  for  the  pay  on  the  Bakers,  his 
London  agents,  and  adds  :  — 

“  As  the  wine  is  for  the  use  of  my  house,  I  hope  you  will  be 
careful  that  I  have  the  best.  I  am  not  fond  of  the  strongest.” 

On  the  same  date  he  addresses  Lane  &  Smithurst  of  London 
as  follows  :  “  Be  so  good  as  to  send  me  a  handsome  chariot 
with  two  sets  of  harness,  with  the  arms  as  enclosed  on  the  same 
in  the  handsomest  manner  that  you  shall  judge  proper,  but  at 
the  same  time  nothing  gaudy,  and  send  me  also,  well  recom¬ 
mended,  two  sober  men,  the  one  for  a  coachman,  the  other  for 
a  gardener,  and  agree  with  the  same,  to  be  paid  either  in  Lon¬ 
don  quarterly  or  here,  allowing  for  the  exchange  of  the  money, 
which  they  shall  choose  ;  and  as  most  servants  from  Europe 
when  here  are  too  apt  to  be  debauched  with  strong  drink,  rum, 
etc.,  being  very  plenty,  I  pray  your  particular  care  in  this 
article.” 

Peter  Faneuil  had  many  vessels  on  the  water,  and  to  them 
was  entrusted  much  of  his  foreign  transportation.  He  had  a 
brig  by  the  name  of  Rochelle.  He  not  only  kept  them  engaged 
in  foreign  trade,  but  domestic  commerce  absorbed  a  part  of  the 
time. 

The  order  to  Madeira  could  not  be  filled  in  haste,  hence  this 
merchant,  a  week  later,  writes  to  Gulian  Verplanck  at  New 
York  :  “Send  me  the  pipe  of  wine,  having  none  good  to  drink.” 

Again,  two  weeks  later,  he  writes  :  “  By  the  first  good  oppor¬ 
tunity  send  the  best  pipe  of  wine  you  can  purchase.” 

We  see  the  relief  from  his  embarrassment  when  on  the  25th 
of  April  he  writes:  “The  wine,  I  hope,  will  prove  good. 
Comes  in  very  good  time,  there  being  no  good  in  town.” 

That  he  had  the  taste  of  an  epicure  is  inferred  from  a  letter 


HE  RESTOCKS  THE  FANEUIL  MANSION  31 


in  which  he  sends  for  “  the  latest  best  book  of  the  several  sorts 
of  cookery,  which  pray  let  be  of  the  largest  character  for  the 
benefit  of  the  maids’  reading.”  At  the  same  time  he  sends  for 
two  pairs  of  spectacles  —  “  one  for  the  meridian  of  forty-five 
years  and  one  pair  for  fifty  years.” 

When  Peter  and  Mary  Anne  were  sitting  at  their  dining- 
table,  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  their  uncle’s  table  fur¬ 
nishings  were  not  up  to  the  times,  and  they  resolved  to  stock 
up  in  the  spring  following  the  elder’s  death.  Peter  writes  the 
Bakers  for  a  good  supply  of  glass  and  china;  orders  table¬ 
cloth  and  napkins  manufactured  for  his  own  use  by  John 
Cossart  &  Sons  of  P'rance.  He  sends  for  silver  spoons  and 
forks,  “with  three  prongs,”  to  be  made  with  the  Faneuil  arms 
cut  on  them,  saying,  “  Let  them  be  very  neat  and  handsome.” 

He  sends  a  piece  of  a  wax  candle  as  a  sample  of  those 
which  are  used  in  illuminating  the  Faneuil  mansion,  and 
orders  candlesticks  made  of  a  size  suitable  to  carry  such  tapers. 
“  Let  them  be  very  neatly  made  and  by  the  best  workmen  : 
let  my  arms  be  engraved  on  each  of  them,  and  let  them  be  sent 
me  by  my  brother.” 

When  the  letter  book  shows  us  that  in  June,  1737,  Peter 
Faneuil  sends  for  “  8  hhds  claritt  and  2  hhds  white  wine,  a 
gross  of  Burgundy  and  champaine,”  we  are  not  surprised  to 
find  that  in  less  than  a  month  he  writes  to  the  Bakers  for  a 
handsome  silver  punch  bowl,  to  hold  “  from  6  quarts  to  2  gal¬ 
lons,  and  made  after  the  newest  fashion  with  the  family  crest 
on  it.” 

We  do  not  doubt  that  the  last  order  of  wine  was  for  the 
market ;  but  in  order  that  Mr.  Faneuil  could  recommend  it  with 
confidence  it  must  be  personally  tested,  and  we  may  well  fancy 
the  company  of  Boston’s  wine  testers  as  they  gathered  with  the 
importer  of  the  stock  about  his  board,  and  partook  from  the 
two-gallon  vessel  filled  to  the  brim. 

Doubtless  their  wigs  were  somewhat  disarranged  before  they 


32 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


all  satisfied  themselves  that  they  could  recommend  the  new 
supply  with  a  good  conscience. 

With  the  new  tableware  at  hand  we  may  well  imagine  the 
satisfaction  with  which  the  Faneuils  received  at  meat  the 
Sigourney  and  Johonnot  families  and  others  of  Huguenot 
descent,  and  with  what  pride  the  portly  head  of  the  family 
served  the  venison  and  other  choice  viands,  while  Miss  Mary 
Anne  explained  that  the  three  canaries,  provoked  to  song  by 
the  glitter  of  the  silver  and  glass  on  the  French  napery,  had 
come  to  her  as  a  gift  from  Lynch  &  Blake,  their  foreign  agents. 

Other  less  showy  but  equally  useful  articles  were  imported 
to  order,  on  January  19,  1738,  from  Lane  &  Smithurst,  “a 
copper  warming  pan,  and  a  half  dozen  largest  and  best  white 
blankets,  for  the  best  chamber,  with  pudding  pans  for  the 
kitchen.” 

We  must  believe  that  such  a  home  as  Peter  Faneuil’s  could 
not  be  conducted  without  a  retinue  of  servants,  and  we  infer 
that  faithful  service  was  appreciated  in  the  home,  as  well  as 
in  the  garden  and  stable.  In  fact,  we  have  seen  that  Andrew 
Faneuil  remembered  his  servant  in  his  last  will. 

A  letter  of  February  3,  1738,  addressed  to  Captain  Peter 
Buckley,  shows  how  Peter  Faneuil  secured  a  servant :  ‘‘Here¬ 
with  you  have  Invoice  of  six  hhds  Fish  and  3  bbls  of  Alewives, 
amo  to  ^75  9s  2d,  which  you,  when  you  arrive  at  Antigua,  be 
pleased  to  sell  for  my  best  advantage  and  with  the  net  proceeds 
of  the  same  purchase  for  me,  for  the  use  of  my  house,  as  likely 
a  strait  negro  lad  as  possibly  you  can,  about  the  age  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  years,  and  if  to  be  done,  one  that  has  had  the 
smallpox,  who,  being  for  my  own  service,  I  must  request  the 
favor.  You  will  let  him  he  one  of  as  tractable  a  disposition  as 
you  can  find.  This  I  leave  to  your  prudent  care  and  manage¬ 
ment,  desiring,  after  you  have  purchased  him,  you  would  send 
him  to  me  by  the  first  good  opportunity,  recommending  him  to 
a  particular  care  from  the  Captain,  by  whom  you  send  him. 


PETER  FANEUIL  BUYS  A  NEGRO  BOY  33 


Your  care  in  this  will  be  an  obligation.  I  wish  you  a  good 
voyage. 

“  Post  Script  —  If  there  should  not  be  enough  to  purchase  the 
boy  desired,  be  pleased  to  advance  and  if  any  over  please  to 
lay  it  out  for  my  best  advantage  in  any  thing  you  think 
proper.” 


CHAPTER  IV 


Peter  Faneuil  and  his  Sister  Mary  Anne  send  to  London  for  Wearing 
Apparel  and  Luxuries  not  in  Boston  Market.  Glimpses  into  the  Faneuil 
Dining  Room.  Faneuil  Equipage.  A  Drive  out  of  Town  to  Distinguished 
Provincial  Homes.  Shrewd  Management  of  the  Merchant.  Generous  but 
Exacting. 


PETER  FANEUIL  enjoyed  fine  apparel  as  well  as  good 
living.  He  sent  to  London  for  “  enough  of  the  best  scarlet 
cloth  to  trim  a  cloak.”  He  also  sends  a  pattern  of  a  piece  of 
“  Duncy,”  and  orders  to  match  it  the  newest-fashioned  buttons, 
mohair  silk,  and  knee  straps,  also  to  match,  “  all  to  be  of  the 
best,  you  must  mind,  and  buttons  for  two  pairs  of  breeches. 
Wait  on  Mr.  Lane  &  Smithurst  for  the  payment,  as  well  as  for 
the  former  balance,  and  take  money  of  them  to  buy  me  a  chest 
of  Lemons  and  one  of  Seville  oranges.”  An  afterthought 
prompts  him  to  send  for  silk  stockings  to  go  with  his  breeches, 
and  lace  of  different  styles  for  other  garments. 

Mary  Anne  Faneuil  was  not  a  whit  behind  her  brother  in 
prudence,  shrewdness,  and  self-esteem,  well  tempered  with 
wisdom.  Had  she  lived  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
she  would  have  been  a  leader  among  women  who  annually 
present  their  claims  for  suffrage.  She  had  her  regular 
account  with  Lane  &  Smithurst,  in  London,  which  her  brother 
managed  in  his  ordinary  correspondence.  When  coming  of 
age,  her  legacy  from  her  Uncle  Andrew’s  estate  was  secured  to 
her  by  a  credit  with  their  London  bankers,  and  she  drew  on 
them  as  occasion  required. 


34 


FANEUIL  DINING  ROOM 


35 


A  letter  to  John  Caswell  affords  a  glimpse  of  the  frugal 
management  of  the  household.  “This  asks  the  favr.  of  you 
when  you  arrive  at  London  to  dispose  of  a  dozen  silver  knife 
and  fork  handles  of  mine,  wch.  you  have  therewith,  for  my  best 
advantage  &  procure  for  me  a  new  shogreen  case  with  a  dozen 
of  new  knives  &  forks  of  a  handsome  silver  handle  &  the  best 
blades  you  can  get  made  in  London,  for  my  own  use,  with  room 
in  the  case  for  a  dozen  of  spoons,  the  same  size  &  fashion  with 
one  sent,  also  by  you  for  a  pattern.  Pray  let  the  case  be  the 
same  with  that  Mr.  Baker  sent  me,  lined  with  a  red  velvet,  wch. 
stands  in  my  dining  room.  As  for  the  blades  of  the  old  knives, 
I  shall  be  glad  to  have  them  made  into  Oyster  knives,  wch. 
may  be  easily  done,  being  shortened  and  ground  down.  You 
have  with  you  a  bundle  of  my  sister’s,  in  which  is  a  suit  of 
clothes,  wch  pray  deliver  Messrs.  Lane  &  Smithurst  to  be  got 
dyed  of  the  same  color  with  a  pattern  fix’t  to  it  &  watered  like 
a  Tabby,  but  if  it  so  happens  that  it  will  not  take  that  color, 
then  let  it  be  dyed  of  some  other  good  fashionable  color  & 
watered  as  a  Tabby,  as  before,  for  the  charge  of  wch.  let  them 
debit  Mrs.  Mary  Anne  Faneuil’s  account.” 

This  punctilious  bachelor  was  fully  as  particular  in  regard  to 
his  sister’s  affairs  as  he  was  in  his  own.  He  did  not  hesitate 
to  burden  his  London  agents  with  very  trifling  matters ;  in  one 
letter  he  says  :  “  My  sisters  have  received  their  things,  in  good 
order  and  to  their  liking,  except  the  stockings,  for  the  Hosier 
put  up  white  worsted,  instead  of  thread,  although  the  pattern 
was  sent.  I  have  sent  them  back  to  you  to  be  changed,  in  the 
ship  Union,  John  Homas,  master.  Be  pleased  to  send  them,  by 
the  first  opportunity  :  viz.  for  Mrs.  Anne  Faneuil,  3  pairs  thread 
hose,  with  worsted  clogs,  and  a  pair  of  Galons  hose,  Mrs. 
Susannah  Faneuil,  2  pairs  thread  ditto.  Mrs.  Mary  Anne 
Faneuil,  4  pairs  thread  stockings,  and  3  pairs  clogs.”  Brother 
Peter  does  not  hesitate  to  send  to  Jersey,  ordering  knit  “a  fine 
three  or  four  threaded  worsted  petticoat  ”  for  one  of  his  sisters. 


36 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


All  of  this  may  seem  trifling  indeed,  but  it  serves  to  show  that 
in  those  early  days  brotherly  love  had  its  place  in  the  family 
circle,  and  that  even  a  bachelor  brother  had  a  fine  sense  of  the 
little  niceties  of  a  lady’s  apparel. 

It  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Peter  Eaneuil  and  Mary 
Anne  enjoyed  fine  equipage,  and  lost  no  time  in  adding  to  the 
Faneuil  stock  when  Peter  had  the  reins  fully  in  his  own  hands. 
The  chariot  ordered  so  soon  after  the  uncle’s  death  was  delayed 
for  various  reasons,  and  some  time  was  needed  to  obtain  the 
right  coachman  —  one  who  could  see  the  cellar  filled  with  choice 
liquor  and  his  master  freely  treating  all  guests,  while  the  com¬ 
mon  people  were  making  the  trade  in  rum  their  chief  business, 
and  yet  he  not  become  “debauched”  with  it. 

At  length  chariot  and  coachman  were  delivered.  Of  the  latter 
Mr.  Faneuil  writes:  “If  he  behave  well  he  shall  live  entirely  to 
his  satisfaction.”  Peter  soliloquizes  when  he  learns  of  the  bar¬ 
gain  made  for  him  by  his  agent,  “Coachman  indented  for  three 
years  at  20  guineas  per  year  —  high  wages  —  however  I  will  take 
care  and  strictly  comply  with  the  same.” 

The  equinal  stock  was  low  when  Peter  came  into  power  — 
Uncle  Andrew  had  sent  off  a  broken-winded  beast  to  Barbadoes 
for  Mr.  Joseph  Ward  to  sell,  and  Peter  early  commissioned  his 
friend  Verplanck  at  New  York  to  secure  Albany  horses  for 
his  use. 

He  loved  the  jingle  of  the  sleigh-bells,  and  enjoyed  speeding 
by  Governor  Belcher  and  Thomas  Hancock  as  they  made  their 
way  out  to  Cambridge  to  the  Vassals’  and  Inmans’,  or  over  to 
Medford  to  call  on  Isaac  Royal,  who  had  but  recently  come 
from  Antigua,  where  the  Faneuils  did  much  trading. 

He  made  but  little  of  a  run  to  Kittery  to  see  William  Pepperell 
and  chat  awhile  on  the  commercial  prospects,  halting  by  the 
way  to  lunch  with  Governor  Wentworth.  He  made  plans  for 
comfort  when  on  their  winter  drives  in  the  country. 

He  sent  to  John  Depuistre  at  Albany  thus :  “  Purchase  and 


SHREWD  MANAGEMENT  OF  THE  MERCHANT  37 


send  me  by  the  bearer  six  of  the  largest  bearskins  and  two 
large,  fine,  well-painted  beaver  coats  to  use  in  a  slay.”  A  black 
foxskin  is  also  forwarded  “  to  be  made  into  a  handsome  muff 
for  a  woman.” 

With  what  satisfaction  Peter  Faneuil  must  have  donned  his 
full-bottom  wig  and  cocked  hat,  wrapped  himself  in  his  scarlet 
cloak,  and  walked  out  to  his  sleigh  !  His  sister  followed  close 
behind,  attended  by  the  negro  boy,  —  the  living  offset  of  a 
cargo  of  codfish  and  alewives  to  boot,  —  who  carried  the  foot- 
stove  well  stocked  with  live  coals  for  the  comfort  of  his  mistress’s 
feet.  With  how  much  compassion  Peter  must  have  regarded 
the  ebon  youth  as  he  tucked  about  his  owner  the  bearskin  robes 
and  stood  aside  as  the  Albany  steed  responded  to  the  touch  of 
the  rein,  pranced  down  Tremont  Street  and  out  of  town  for  a 
trip  to  the  country  ! 

From  all  we  have  seen  of  the  Faneuil  home,  inside  and  out, 
we  are  prepared  to  admit  the  truth  of  the  record,  “  Peter 
Faneuil’s  hospitality  was  unbounded.” 

With  all  his  gettings,  he  remembered  the  words  of  Solomon, 
“Wisdom  is  the  principal  thing,  therefore  get  wisdom.”  He 
did  not  bow  the  knee  to  Baal,  but  with  the  waning  of  the 
Huguenot  church,  which  his  Uncle  Andrew  predicted,  he  sought 
wisdom  from  above  through  worship  at  Trinity,  of  which  his 
brother-in-law,  Addington  Davenport,  was  rector. 

We  find  him  in  March,  1738,  writing  the  Bakers:  — 

“  Purchase  for  me  1  handsome,  large,  octavo  Common  Prayer 
Book  of  a  good  letter,  and  well  bound,  with  one  of  the  same  in 
French  for  my  own  use.” 

There  is  something  peculiarly  touching  in  this  implied  desire 
of  Peter,  the  merchant,  to  receive  his  daily  spiritual  food  in  the 
mother  tongue.  Peter  Faneuil  was  one  of  the  early  members 
of  the  Episcopal  Charitable  Society,1  and  gave  a  large  sum  to 
Trinity  Church  to  support  the  families  of  the  deceased  clergy. 

1  See  “  History  of  Boston,”  Episcopal  Charitable  Society ,  by  Dr.  Boyle. 


38 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Every  charity  of  the  time  had  his  name  for  a  large  sum.  He 
subscribed  liberally  for  the  rebuilding  of  King’s  Chapel ;  but  as 
the  work  was  not  completed  for  several  years,  the  amount  was 
not  paid  until  after  his  death,  and  at  the  end  of  a  lawsuit  with 
his  executor. 

While  Peter  Faneuil’s  mind  was  abounding  with  most  com¬ 
mendable  purposes  and  he  dealt  with  large  sums,  his  business 
principles  would  not  allow  him  to  tolerate  the  least  delinquency 
on  the  part  of  any  who  were  his  debtors.  While  giving  a  pound 
with  one  hand,  he  was  holding  the  other  for  a  penny  that  was 
justly  his. 

No  account  had  been  rendered  of  the  wheezy  old  horse  sent 
by  his  uncle  to  Barbadoes  for  sale,  and  Peter  took  various 
means  for  learning  of  the  disposition  of  the  beast.  After 
satisfying  himself,  he  addresses  Mr.  Joseph  Ward:  “I  have 
been  very  much  surprised  that  ever  since  the  death  of  Captain 
Allen,  you  have  not  advised  me  of  the  sale  of  a  horse  belonging 
to  my  deceased  uncle,  left  in  your  hands  by  him,  which  I  am 
informed  you  sold  for  a  very  good  price,  and  I  am  now  to 
request  the  favor  you  would  send  me  the  net  proceeds  in 
sweetmeats  and  citron  water,  your  compliance  with  which  will 
stop  me  from  giving  some  of  my  friends  the  trouble  of  calling 
you  to  an  account  there.  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  if  Captain  Allen 
did  not  leave  a  silver  watch  and  some  fish,  belonging  to  a  servant 
of  mine,  with  some  person  of  your  island,  and  with  who  ?  I 
expect  your  speedy  answer.”  Fortunately  Mr.  Ward  had  learned 
that  “  a  soft  answer  turneth  away  wrath,  but  grievous  words 
stir  up  anger.”  He  sent  his  account,  and  Peter  was  evidently 
softened  by  a  box  of  sweetmeats.  Stubborn  indeed  is  that 
nature  which  cannot  be  mollified  by  some  application,  and  fortu¬ 
nate  is  the  alchemist  who,  having  found  the  right  combination, 
knows  how  to  apply  it,  even  though  it  be  sweetmeats  and  citron 
water.  Peter  was  melted  to  contrition,  as  appears  by  his  letter 
of  March  24,  1738.  “Yours  of  7  P'ebruary,  with  the  account  of 


GENEROUS  BUT  EXACTING 


39 


sales  of  a  horse  left  by  Captain  Allen,  accompanying  a  box  of 
sweetmeats  I  received,  in  which  I  observe  you  refer  to  my 
former,  which  you  are  pleased  to  look  upon  as  in  too  unhandsome 
a  stile.  I  must  own  it  was  not  in  so  soft  terms  as  I  sometimes 
make  use  of,  but,  at  that  time,  I  really  thought  the  state  of  the 
case  required  it,  not  having  heard  anything  to  be  depended 
upon,  concerning  the  horse  in  dispute,  either  if  he  was  dead, 
sold,  or  run  away.  ...  I  thank  you  for  your  speedy  answer, 
and  am,  with  return  of  your  own  compliment,  as  much  as  you 
are  mine,”  etc. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  Peter  Faneuil  was  slothful  in  business. 
At  about  the  time  of  the  Barbadoes  horse  investigation  he  was 
engaged  in  others.  He  informs  M.  Isaac  Beauchamp  that  he, 
Peter,  has  been  empowered,  by  his  excellency,  M.  Bronellian, 
Governor  of  Cape  Breton,  to  call  him  to  account,  and  says  :  “  I 
am  now  to  let  you  know  that  out  of  honor  and  of  the  regards 
I  have  ever  had  to  that  gentleman,  I  am  obliged  to  see  some 
honorable  issue  made  to  that  affair,  for  which  reason  I  shall  be 
glad  you  will  advise  me,  after  what  manner  you  propose  to 
satisfye  the  gentleman  or  me,  without  forcing  violente  means.” 
This  letter  had  reference  to  a  tobacco  transaction,  and  termi¬ 
nated  by  unanimous  consent  of  all  parties  to  smoke  the  pipe 
of  peace. 

While  pausing  to  offer  words  of  commendation  for  the  digni¬ 
fied  manner  with  which  the  merchant  approached  this  question, 
we  can  but  be  as  ready  to  sympathize  with  him  when  he  con¬ 
siders  a  file  of  worthless  promises  to  pay.  To  Captain  Greenow 
he  writes:  “  You  may  see  what  handsome  parcell  of  protested 
bills  I  must  pay.  If  this  be  the  honor  of  you  Ragon  men,  God 
deliver  me  from  them,  for  the  future.  I  would  not  take  their 
word  for  a  groat,  etc.  These  pretended  gentlemen  think  I  will 
tamely  sit  down  by  their  unhandsome  usage,  but  they  will  find 
themselves  very  much  mistaken,”  etc. 


CHAPTER  V 


Experience  of  Peter  Faneuil  as  a  Merchant.  Faneuils  have  Credit  in  All 
the  Trading  Ports  of  the  World.  John  Jekvll  Collector  of  the  Port  of 
Boston.  Evading  Duties.  Sends  to  England  for  a  Clerk  who  “  wrights  and 
ciphers.”  A  Venture  in  Negroes. 

PETER  FANEUIE,  while  giving  much  thought  to  house¬ 
hold  supplies  and  personal  comforts,  was  shrewdly  manag¬ 
ing  his  own  business  and  that  of  his  late  uncle,  which  now  were 
one  and  the  same.  Some  branches  of  his  trade,  regarded  as 
perfectly  legitimate  and  indorsed  by  society,  would  be  found 
wanting  if  weighed  in  the  balance  of  modern  commercial 
integrity.  Trading  with  so  many  j^orts,  Mr.  Faneuil  received 
all  sorts  and  kinds  of  merchandise  —  wines  and  other  liquors 
seeming  to  predominate,  while  occasionally  a  negro  slave  was 
consigned  to  him.  The  products  of  the  fisheries,  with  tobacco, 
tar,  and  staves,  made  up  the  burden  of  the  outgoing  cargoes. 
This  merchant  of  provincial  days  had  his  periods  of  depression, 
as  have  many  of  his  successors  since  the  termination  of  provin¬ 
cial  government.  To  one  correspondent  he  writes  :  “  I  have  but 
little  thanks  for  advancing  my  money.  I  would  have  you  know 
that  I  am  not  so  fond  of  a  commission  as  to  go  a  begging  for  it, 
or  to  do  any  base  thing  to  obtain  it.  I  bless  God  I  have  for¬ 
tune  enough  to  support  myself,  without  doing  any  base  action. 
You  are  welcome  to  make  use  of  whom  you  please,  all  that  I  re¬ 
quire  of  you  is  only  to  pay  me  my  just  and  honest  due.”  He  is, 
however,  found  building  vessels  at  his  own  risk  and  for  different 


40 


PETER  FANEUIL  AS  A  MERCHANT 


4i 


parties.  A  favorite  of  the  time  was  the  “  snow,”  a  vessel  with 
two  masts,  resembling  the  main  and  foremast  of  a  ship,  and  a 
third  small  mast  abaft  the  mainmast,  carrying  a  sail  similar  to 
a  ship’s  mizzen. 

There  came  a  time,  regretted  by  Faneuil  and  other  mer¬ 
chant  princes,  when  they  could  no  longer  dominate  over  the 
fishermen  of  eastern  Massachusetts.  They  had  accumulated 
wealth,  and  many  of  them  went  out  in  command  of  their  own 
vessels  from  Cape  Ann,  Marblehead,  and  Salem.  Peter  Fan¬ 
euil  wrote  to  Da  Silva,  “The  shoremen  have  now  six  sail  of 
vessels  in  the  trade  and  they  shipt  of  the  last  year  14,000  Qls.” 
Whale-fishing  was  an  important  feature  of  the  New  England 
industry,  and  contributed  largely  toward  the  improved  condi¬ 
tion  of  this  important  class  of  people. 

Our  merchant  had  much  business  with  the  port  of  New 
York,  and  Philadelphia  is  occasionally  on  his  list.  Gulian  Ver- 
planck  had  been  Andrew  Faneuil’s  agent  at  New  York  and 
continued  in  the  good-will  of  Peter,  who  frequently  consigns 
English  goods,  Barcelona  handkerchiefs,  and  Florence  oil  to 
Verplanck,  and  orders  wheat  or  flour  from  that  port  for  his 
outgoing  vessels,  especially  those  to  Cadiz.  He  buys  bread 
for  the  use  of  his  ships.  We  find  mention  of  “inferior  bread” 
and  New  Jersey  and  “country  bolted”  flour.  Verplanck 
receives  from  Faneuil  the  customary  two  and  a  half  per  cent 
on  general  business.  Boston  is  the  larger  market,  and  con¬ 
trols  more  articles  of  luxury,  says  Weedon,  who  therein  finds 
a  reason  for  Faneuil’s  being  asked  in  1737  for  a  dozen  “red 
Turkey  or  Morocker  Leather  chairs.”  He  sends  to  Verplanck 
an  easy-chair  costing  ^14  14.?. 

The  Faneuils  were  rated  as  responsible  merchants  by  the 
whole  commercial  world,  and  they  never  wanted  for  business. 
In  April,  1737,  Peter  sends  out  the  snow  Phenix ,  P.  Mariat 
master,  loaded  with  102  hhds.  tobacco,  40  bbls.  tar,  black  wal¬ 
nut,  and  staves.  She  was  bound  for  Dartmouth,  but  was  dis- 


42 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


ablcd  in  a  storm,  and  Faneuil  had  a  good  deal  of  trouble  in 
the  matter  and  he  declares  that  he  will  petition  the  General 
Assembly  for  redress  of  wrongs  inflicted  at  the  Impost  office. 
One  cargo  of  wines  sold  by  Faneuil  for  Thomas  Pendergast 
brought  £26 86;  the  brands  were  “Videna”  and  “Malmsey,” 
some  being  from  Teneriffe,  the  largest  of  the  Canary  Islands. 
Hats  seem  to  have  been  a  desirable  merchandise,  a  favorite 
style  being  known  as  “  castors.”  A  runaway  negro  slave  was 
charged  with  carrying  off  his  master’s  castor  hat,  which  materi¬ 
ally  increased  the  loss.  Peter  Faneuil  accounts  for  a  parcel 
of  castor  hats  amounting  to  about  ^400,  with  a  promise  to 
remit  to  Edward  Dymoke,  in  beaver.  This  merchant  kept  an 
eye  out  for  promising  ventures,  and  in  1 738  he  writes  Peter 
Lynch  that  there  is  no  Madeira  wine  in  town  ;  and  therefore 
“Videna”  will  bring  about  ,£50  per  pipe. 

London  was  the  central  market,  and  final  exchange  for  all 
the  commerce  with  which  Laneuil  had  to  do.  Lane  & 
Smithurst  were  his  bankers,  and  he  drew  bills  of  exchange 
on  them  in  favor  of  Verplanck  of  New  York  and  settled  his 
Barcelona  and  Cadiz  business  through  their  house.  One  item 
of  credit  amounts  to  ,£10,104. 

One  of  the  early  royal  collectors  of  the  port  of  Boston  was 
John  Jekyll,  who  resided  near  the  Faneuil  family  and  who 
was  very  friendly  with  these  merchants.  He  had  everything 
that  was  expected  to  be  in  possession  of  one  of  the  King’s 
servants.  The  probate  records  of  1735  show  him  to  have 
owned  five  negroes  at  the  time  of  his  death.  They  are  inven¬ 
toried  “one  at  £85,  three  at  £65,  and  one  at  £50.”  We 
find  Peter  Faneuil  commending  his  friend  and  neighbor  Jekyll1 
to  his  London  hankers,  and  is  so  much  pleased  that  they  will 

1  John  Jekyll,  Esq.,  was  collector  of  the  port  of  Boston  for  twenty-seven  years. 
He  was  also  a  justice  of  Suffolk  and  Middlesex.  He  was  a  leading  member  at 
King’s  Chapel,  being  a  warden  from  1713  to  1715.  Being  a  general  favorite,  he  was 
•called  “the  darling  of  all  traders.” 


JOHN  JEKYLL 


43 


notice  ”  him  that  he  mentions  it  in  a  subsequent  letter.  As 
the  wealth  of  these  early  merchants  accumulated  beyond  their 
local  demands  and  temporary  investments,  we  find  that  they 
availed  themselves  of  the  solid  investments  of  the  mother 
country.  They  were  impelled  to  this  through  the  fluctuating 
state  of  the  currency  and  political  tinkering  with  finance.  The 
investors  kept  an  eye  out  to  the  News  Letter ,  the  Boston 
publication  which  quoted  such  securities  as  the  Bank  of  Eng¬ 
land  and  East  India  stock.  The  Faneuils  had  made  sure  of 
their  surplus  in  this  way.  When  Uncle  Andrew  was  ill,  Peter 
acknowledged  Claude  Fonnereau  &  Son’s  advice  of  dividend 
received  on  ,£14,000  Bank  stock,  three  per  cent  received  on 
^£1000  Exchequer  annuity,  and  the  reinvestment  of  his  balance 
in  ,£200  “  East  India  Compy  Bond  ”  and  ,£200  Bank  stock. 
Andrew  sent  expression  of  satisfaction  with  the  proceedings. 
On  July  27,  1738,  after  the  death  of  Uncle  Andrew,  Peter  sent 
a  mourning  ring,  and  acknowledged  their  credit  of  Bank  divi¬ 
dend  ,£408  ys.  6d.,  and  their  debit  of  ,£438  ix.  5 d.,  which  they 
had  invested  in  four  East  India  bonds.  There  were  “bears  and 
bulls”  in  the  provincial  stock  markets.  Peter  Faneuil  alludes 
to  the  low  price  of  stocks  occasioned  by  petitions  of  merchants 
to  the  King  against  Spanish  depredations.  “It  is  high  time 
wee  should  have  Satisfaction  from  those  Villians  who  are  as 
bad  as  Pirates.” 

A  statement  on  October  31,  1738,  of  S.  and  W.  Baker,  credits 
Peter  Faneuil  with 


£  s.  d 

6531  11  3 


Old  South  Sea  Annuities  . 
East  India  ,£100  bonds 
East  India  stock 


300  o  o 
500  o  o 


From  these  English  investments  we  find  Peter  Faneuil  as 
executor  ordering  the  payment  of  his  uncle’s  legacies  to  those 
abroad  who  had  been  thus  remembered. 


44 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Smuggling,  which  brought  great  trouble  to  the  country  in 
later  time,  seems  to  have  been  practised  in  Peter  Faneuil’s  day, 
and  we  are  forced  to  believe  that  he  had  a  hand  in  it.  In 
December,  1738,  a  party  had  consigned  Faneuil  five  hogsheads 
indigo  and  one  tierce  of  rum,  requesting  the  captain  to  learn 
of  the  consignee  how  to  evade  the  duty.  Faneuil  replies, 
“  Send  it  to  Providence  and  from  thence  to  come  down  in  carts, 
that  is,  provided  you  can  get  a  certificate  for  it  from  the  custom 
house  and  by  that  means  I  could  save  the  whole  or  a  great 
part  of  the  duty.”  Then,  as  later,  a  man  like  Faneuil,  who 
openly  declares,  “  I  value  my  character  more  than  all  the  money 
on  earth,”  and  would  scorn  the  thought  of  taking  advantage 
of  an  individual,  would  have  no  compunctions  of  conscience 
when  the  government  was  to  suffer. 

In  1738  Faneuil  loads  his  brig  Rochelle  with  rum  to  all 
appearances,  and  sends  her  away  and  directs  his  agent  to  lay 
out  the  proceeds  in  cheap  merchandise,  sole  leather,  etc.  The 
captain  signs  for  a  certain  number  of  hogsheads  of  rum,  and 
such  the  crew  believed  it  all  to  be  ;  but  Faneuil  puts  on  record  — 
“There  are  two  casks  viz  No.  1,  &  No.  2,  wh  are  Brandy,  wh 
You'll  use  the  necessary  Caution  in  getting  safe  Landed  on 
Shore,  so  as  not  to  be  of  any  Prejudice  to  my  Vessell  &  advise 
me  if  at  any  time  any  quantity  may  be  safely  imported  to  you 
&  how  it  will  answer.” 

These  were  but  small  beginnings,  the  result  of  which  Peter 
Faneuil  did  not  live  to  see,  as  did  many  Boston  people. 

This  merchant  saw  the  need  of  well-trained  clerks  in  his 
business,  and  before  his  uncle’s  death  sent  to  his  agents  at 
London  to  send  from  “  Christ  Hospital  a  cleaver  sober  young 
youth  that  has  had  the  small  Pox  wch  is  fitting  to  be  brou  up  in 
my  Counting  House,  one  that  wrights  and  ciphers  well.” 

We  have  seen  that  Peter  Faneuil  exchanged  a  quantity  of  fish 
for  a  negro  lad  for  his  own  service,  but  he,  like  his  contempo¬ 
raries,  was  often  found  engaged  in  the  trade  in  human  beings. 


A  VENTURE  IN  NEGROES 


45 


“  The  merchants  of  Boston  quoted  negroes  like  any  other 
merchandise  demanded  by  their  correspondents.”  In  1737,  to 
Thomas  Kilby  he  writes  :  “  Captain  sends  you  for  his  private 
account  two  young  negro  men,  wuh,  if  you  can  get  a  good  price 
for,  pray  dispose  of  them.”  In  the  latter  portion  of  Peter’s  life 
we  find  that  he  plans  a  voyage  to  procure  negroes.  The  ven¬ 
ture  was  in  shares  —  one-half  owned  by  himself,  one-quarter  by 
his  friend  John  Jones,  and  one-quarter  by  the  captain,  John 
Cutter.  Misfortunes  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  snow,  and  the 
human  freight  was  never  received  by  the  one  who  planned  the 
venture.  But  his  estate  was  increased  to  the  amount  of  his 
share  in  twenty  negroes  sold  for  ^1644. 

But  this  should  not  militate  against  the  good  name  of  Peter 
Faneuil.  It  was  the  common  practice  of  the  time,  believed  to 
be  right.  None  knew  the  enormity  of  the  offence,  and  conse¬ 
quently  to  them  it  was  not  a  crime. 

“  Him  that  knoweth  to  do  good,  and  doeth  it  not,  to  him  it 
is  sin.” 


CHAPTER  VI 


Peter  Faneuil  the  “Jolly  Bachelor.”  Intimacy  of  Faneuils  and  Jekylls. 
Death  of  Collector  Jekyll.  Peter  Faneuil  a  Business  Manager.  Peter  the 
Merchant  in  Love.  A  Disappointed  Bachelor.  Colonel  Richard  Saltonstali 
wins  the  Fair  Young  Lady. 

WE  have  seen  that  Peter  Faneuil  has  apparently  succeeded 
in  steering  clear  of  Cupid’s  darts,  and  as  a  reward  for 
celibacy  has  received  his  uncle’s  fortune,  and  at  the  age  of 
thirty-seven  has  become  the  reigning  power  of  the  house  of 
Faneuil.  But  a  glimpse  into  another  phase  of  the  society 
of  provincial  Boston  will  convince  us  that  appearances  are 
deceptive,  and  this  coveted  position  was  not  obtained  without 
sacrifice  which  cost  a  struggle  from  which  he  probably  never 
recovered. 

The  “Jolly  Bachelor”  seems  to  have  been  a  pseudonym 
selected  by  Peter  Faneuil,  perhaps  to  call  attention  to  exter¬ 
nals,  assumed  to  hide  the  restless  current  of  his  sentimental 
nature.  Boston  society,  however,  inferred  that  it  was  the  self- 
satisfied  view  which  he  had  of  himself,  when  he  named  one  of 
his  ships  Jolly  Bachelor  as  it  left  the  “ways”  and  dashed  out 
upon  the  peaceful  bosom  of  the  Atlantic. 

No  arrangement  of  domestic  affairs  at  the  Tremont  Street 
mansion  could  have  been  more  to  the  mind  of  Andrew 
Faneuil  in  his  old  age  than  to  have  his  nephew  Peter  and  niece 
Mary  Anne,  each  in  single  life,  occupying  with  him  the  beau¬ 
tiful  mansion  and  sharing  the  luxuries  of  his  well-kept  garden. 
Theirs  was  a  lot  envied  by  many.  As  the  Faneuil  chariot 

46 


INTIMACY  OF  FANEUILS  AND  JEKYLLS  4 7 


rolled  through  the  town  with  Peter  and  Mary  Anne,  each  occu¬ 
pying  a  full  seat,  there  were  those  who  halted  as  it  passed, 
and  breathed  a  mental  sigh,  “  Alas  for  me,  that  I  am  obliged 
to  delve  and  walk,  while  they  roll  in  wealth  and  luxury.” 
When  the  “Jolly  Bachelor”  passed  up  the  broad  aisle  of  King’s 
Chapel  to  his  devotions,  we  doubt  not  that  there  were  many 
Boston  belles  who  turned  their  heads  and  envied  the  posi¬ 
tion  of  the  sister,  who  reverently  followed  her  brother  to  their 
pew,  where  they  together  knelt  in  faithful  adherence  to  the 
forms  of  worship. 

Among  the  homes  to  which  young  Peter  was  introduced 
when  coming  to  Boston  was  that  of  the  Jekyll  family,  consist¬ 
ing  of  the  head  (the  collector  of  the  port)  and  his  queenly  wife, 
with  two  sons  and  two  daughters,  who  were  not  far  from  his 
age.  Having  left  the  close  companionship  of  his  numerous- 
brothers  and  sisters  at  New  Rochelle,  Peter  found  most  con¬ 
genial  society  in  the  collector’s  home.  Joseph  and  Richard 
Jekyll,  with  Peter  Faneuil,  made  a  happy  trio  as  they  ex¬ 
changed  calls  at  their  respective  homes,  or  went  in  and  out 
the  custom  house  and  the  Faneuil  warehouses.  Peter  most 
generously  shared  his  portion  of  the  Coleman  pears  from  his 
uncle’s  garden  with  these  companions.  The  cinnamon  roses, 
so  carefully  cultivated  by  the  old  Huguenot,  were  early  found 
before  the  large  pier-glass  at  the  Jekylls’  home,  and  the  rarities 
produced  in  the  P'aneuil  hothouse  were  slyly  shared  with  the 
Misses  Hannah  and  Mary  Jekyll. 

As  time  went  on,  Peter  plunged  into  business,  and  was  not  so 
much  in  the  society  of  these  friends,  but  their  confidence  in 
him  strengthened  as  they  watched  him  in  business  transactions 
and  philanthropic  circles.  Peter’s  sister  Mary  Anne  had  come 
from  the  old  home,  and  been  introduced  as  a  member  of  Andrew 
Faneuil’s  kindred;  her  society  was  pleasant  for  Peter,  and  he 
was  not  so  much  inclined  to  seek  for  that  of  the  neighbors. 

In  August,  1730,  Jonathan  Belcher  appeared  as  the  governor 


48 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


of  the  province.  He  was  of  Massachusetts  birth,  son  of  An¬ 
drew  Belcher,  one  of  Andrew  Laneuil’s  contemporaries.  Young 
Jonathan  had  been  sent  to  England  as  agent  of  the  colony,  and 
made  so  favorable  an  impression  on  the  king,  George  I.,  that  his 
Majesty  had  appointed  him  as  governor  of  his  native  province. 
The  coming  of  the  young  man  in  this  capacity  was  an  occa¬ 
sion  of  great  pomp  and  parade  in  the  town.  Soon  after  the 
new  governor  had  been  publicly  announced,  there  was  a  recep¬ 
tion  at  his  residence  in  Orange  Street,  now  Washington.  The 
people  of  “  quality  ”  in  the  town  were  all  in  attendance.  Peter 
presented  his  Huguenot  sister,  to  the  great  delight  of  Uncle 
Andrew,  who  had  evident  pride  in  the  rising  Faneuils.  When 
the  company  took  positions  for  the  dance,  Peter  and  Mary  Anne 
came  in  touch  with  the  Jekyll  ladies,  who  were  introduced,  and 
a  mutual  admiration  at  once  sprang  up  between  this  trio  of 
Boston  belles.  When  the  Jekyll  sisters  displayed  their  grace 
in  the  minuet,  Peter’s  eyes  were  riveted  upon  them,  and  he 
returned  to  that  mansion  with  emotions  which  he  had  never 
before  experienced.  Believing  in  mental  and  physical  activity 
as  the  most  effectual  antidote  for  distracting  thoughts,  Peter 
made  haste  on  the  following  morning  to  his  wharf,  where  he 
had  a  ship  in  process  of  building.  From  that  to  his  warehouse 
and  to  his  uncle’s  counting-room  he  made  successive  calls,  but 
with  a  divided  mind.  His  preoccupied  condition  was  noticeable 
to  Uncle  Andrew,  who  assigned  it  to  the  unusual  dissipation  of 
the  previous  night. 

Here  was  a  noble  young  man,  richly  endowed  by  nature, 
fighting  against  a  divinely  implanted  germ,  which  had  for  the 
first  time  begun  to  assert  itself.  Peter  Faneuil  had  control  of 
himself  —  therein  was  heroism,  regardless  of  the  motive  that 
impelled  him.  Cheer  as  we  will  for  Benjamin  Faneuil,  who 
left  all  for  the  affections  of  a  young  lady,  we  can  but  honor 
his  brother  Peter,  who  mastered  himself.  “  It  takes  courage 
to  be  silent,  and  strength  to  sit  still.” 


DEATH  OF  COLLECTOR  JEKYLL 


49 


With  a  cheerful  exterior  Peter  Faneuil  gave  close  attention  to 
an  increasing  business,  at  times  manifesting  irritability,  not 
strange  to  the  merchants  of  that  period  when  currency  was 
fluctuating.  Even  the  solemn  service  at  the  chapel  was  not 
soothing  to  his  troubled  spirit ;  for  there,  near  the  Faneuil  pew, 
were  the  Jekylls  in  their  richly  curtained  pew.  Whether  they 
were  all  tranquil  in  mind,  Peter  longed  to  know,  but  dared  not 
trust  himself  beyond  himself.  In  less  than  three  years  the 
port  of  Boston  was  without  a  collector,  the  Jekyll  pew  was 
shrouded  in  mourning,  and  the  Faneuils,  young  and  old,  were 
among  those  who  received  gloves,  while  Andrew  Faneuil,  with 
Governor  Belcher  and  others  of  like  standing,  were  honored 
with  mourning  rings  from  the  Jekyll  heirs.  We  will  not  pene¬ 
trate  the  mind  of  Peter  Faneuil  at  this  time,  lest  we  find  him 
planning  what  he  would  have  done  had  the  angel  of  death 
entered  another  door  than  the  Jekylls’. 

In  the  course  of  settling  the  estate,  the  Jekyll  heirs  found  it 
necessary  for  them  to  leave  Boston  and  make  a  home  in  Eng¬ 
land,  where  they  had  large  investments  as  the  result  of  the 
advice  of  the  Faneuils.  All  the  movements  incident  to  the 
change  were  trying  to  the  members  of  the  family,  but  there  was 
one  who  suffered  more  keenly,  yet  without  sympathy,  for  it  was 
all  within  himself.  Out  of  sight  was  not  out  of  mind.  There 
were  certain  duties  entrusted  to  the  younger  Faneuil  by  the 
Jekyll  family,  for  they  did  not  wish  to  dispose  of  all  their  real 
estate  and  sever  all  their  connections  in  this  country.  These 
duties  Peter  most  cheerfully  assumed,  thereby  feeling  that  he 
had  a  closer  relation  with  each  member  of  the  family.  In  fact, 
when  signing  a  receipt  for  rent  in  behalf  of  the  Jekylls,  he  felt 
he  had  a  personal  interest  in  the  welfare  of  each,  and  when 
making  a  remittance  to  Robert  Jekyll,  the  oldest  son  and  repre¬ 
sentative,  he  never  failed  to  write  a  most  friendly  letter,  which 
contained  greetings  for  the  entire  family,  and  closed  with  his 
characteristic  “  I  salute  you,  kiss  my  hand,”  etc. 


50 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


When  fully  occupied  with  his  own  business  and  the  added 
responsibility  of  caring  for  his  Uncle  Andrew’s  affairs,  during 
his  illness,  Peter  Faneuil  received  a  notice  from  the  Jekyll 
brothers,  of  the  sailing  of  their  sisters  for  America,  and  with 
it  a  friendly  request  that  he  would  look  after  them  when  arriv¬ 
ing  in  Boston,  “  as  you  have  so  very  kindly  offered  to  do.” 
As  one  sailing-vessel  brought  the  message,  and  another  bearing 
the  precious  freight  was  not  many  days  behind  it,  there  was 
but  little  time  for  the  Boston  merchant  to  make  plans  for  the 
reception  of  the  wealthy  young  ladies.  He  very  wisely  con¬ 
sulted  with  his  sister,  Mary  Anne,  who,  having  no  intimation  of 
her  brother’s  suppressed  longings,  at  once  decided  that  the 
young  ladies  should  be  their  guests  in  the  Faneuil  home. 
“  Surely  Uncle  Andrew  will  be  happy  in  receiving  the  daugh¬ 
ters  of  his  lamented  friend,  Collector  Jekyll,”  said  Miss  Fan¬ 
euil,  when  thinking  of  the  Elder’s  enfeebled  condition.  This 
was  but  courteous  and  in  fulfilment  of  Peter’s  kindly  offer  to 
the  absent  ones.  But  to  the  merchant  there  was  another  side 
to  it.  When  he  made  his  friendly  offer,  the  broad  Atlantic  was 
between  them,  but  now  they  were  nearing  his  door.  Had  he 
been  living  in  the  exercise  of  his  real  self,  this  would  have  been 
a  most  delightful  hour,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  the  occasion 
which  obliged  him  to  marshal  all  his  forces  to  combat  himself. 
The  ship  arrived  and  cast  anchor  at  P'aneuil’s  Wharf,  the 
young  ladies  were  welcomed  by  Peter  Faneuil,  escorted  to  his 
carriage,  and  conveyed  to  the  Faneuil  mansion,  and  after  a 
temporary  rest,  to  other  lodgings,  the  illness  of  PTncle  Andrew 
being  sufficient  reason  for  the  change  of  plans.  The  return  of 
these  favorites  of  Boston  society  was  an  occasion  of  pleasant 
remark  with  the  “quality”  of  the  town,  and  those  of  inferior 
rank  were  made  happy  in  recalling  the  many  deeds  of  charity 
credited  to  the  Jekyll  family. 

Peter  Faneuil  devoted  himself  to  the  interests  of  the  family, 
was  careful  in  fulfilling  every  request  from  the  brothers,  deliv- 


PETER  THE  MERCHANT  IN  LOVE 


5i 


ered  verbally  by  Miss  Mary,  the  sister  who  represented  the 
business  element  of  the  family.  The  five  per  cent  which  the 
merchant  was  so  diligent  in  collecting  in  ordinary  affairs  seems 
to  have  been  remitted  ;  family  regard  for  the  memory  of  the 
departed  collector  was  so  strong  that  no  service  was  too  great 
for  the  living.  Peter  Faneuil’s  struggle  with  himself  was  made 
doubly  severe  by  the  accusations  of  the  jealous,  who  watched 
with  unremitting  interest  for  the  change  in  authority  at  the 
Faneuil  home.  While  no  one  could  have  been  more  circum¬ 
spect  than  the  merchant,  he  did  not  succeed  in  warding  off 
suspicion  on  the  part  of  his  Uncle  Andrew,  who,  although  near¬ 
ing  his  end,  relaxed  not  in  his  control  of  worldly  affairs. 

Mr.  Faneuil  had  but  little  inconvenience  from  the  Jekylls’ 
financial  affairs,  but  his  trouble  came  when  the  ladies  appeared 
again  in  Boston  society.  Favorites  when  residents  of  Boston, 
they  were  made  doubly  so  through  their  brief  absence,  and  their 
presence  was  courted  by  the  best  families.  Did  Mrs.  Thomas 
Hancock,  Lady  Belcher,  or  the  Byles  sisters  receive,  the 
Jekyll  sisters  were  conspicuous  in  the  brilliantly  attired  com¬ 
pany.  The  Faneuil  carriage  was  ever  at  their  command,  and 
the  family  servants  were  ready  to  do  their  bidding ;  but  the 
“Jolly  Bachelor”  in  social  circles  was  met  only  as  one  of  the 
guests,  conspicuous  through  his  exquisite  dress  and  native  cour¬ 
tesy,  and  in  his  devotion  to  his  sister,  whose  presence  at  his 
side  made  it  easier  for  him  to  seem  to  be  what  he  was  not  —  a 
jolly  bachelor. 

Whether  the  Jekyll  brothers  intended  that  Mr.  Faneuil  should 
have  an  interest  in  their  sisters  beyond  their  financial  well-being 
and  personal  comfort,  the  records  fail  to  make  mention  ;  but  he 
seems  to  have  regarded  himself  as  the  custodian  of  their  hearts, 
which,  under  some  circumstances,  might  have  been  agreeable  to 
either  of  them,  but  under  his  present  management  was  irksome 
indeed.  Tender  emotions  that  had  been  smouldering  in  the 
bosoms  of  young  men  of  the  town,  during  the  years  of  absence 


52 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


of  these  young  ladies,  were  rekindled  by  their  presence,  and  all 
unconscious  of  the  restlessness  which  they  were  causing,  the 
Jekyll  sisters  lost  no  opportunity  to  make  good  impressions, 
greatly  to  the  distress  of  their  business  manager. 

That  evil  forebodings  are  more  trying  than  real  calamity, 
Peter  Faneuil  found  to  be  a  reality,  when  the  condition  was 
reached  which  warranted  open  warfare.  One  Lord  Linnington 
made  bold  to  step  forward  and  make  love  to  Miss  Mary  Jekyll, 
the  mere  rumor  of  which  was  enough  to  cause  Peter  Faneuil  to 
appear  and  remonstrate  with  all  his  business  ability.  The  case 
required  and  received  a  calm  and  serious  discussion,  and  it  was 
the  one  interest  of  which  the  bachelor  longed  to  talk.  Through 
repeated  discussions  he  learned  the  real  situation,  and  was  able 
to  diagnose  the  case  with  professional  correctness,  but  failing  to 
offer  a  remedy,  his  services  were  not  as  gratefully  received  as 
in  other  matters.  Had  Miss  Mary  ventured  to  ask,  as  did  the 
Puritan  maiden,  “Why  don’t  you  speak  for  yourself,  John?” 
it  would  have  been  of  no  avail. 

Fearing  the  future,  but  hoping  against  the  most  discouraging 
symptoms,  Peter  Faneuil,  with  a  heavy  heart,  left  the  Green 
Dragon  Tavern  and  made  his  way  to  the  Faneuil  mansion.  On 
an  early  Sabbath,  when  Peter  and  Mary  Anne  Faneuil  sat  com¬ 
fortably  ensconced  in  their  richly  curtained  pew  at  the  chapel, 
the  “Jolly  Bachelor”  was  aroused  from  his  nap  by  hearing  the 
familiar  voice  of  the  town  clerk  reading  the  marriage  intention 
of  Lord  Linnington  and  Miss  Mary  Jekyll.  There  was  no  more 
rest  or  worship  in  the  Faneuil  pew  during  that  service.  Mr. 
Faneuil  lost  no  time  in  instituting  a  new  course  of  treatment. 
He  immediately  arranged  for  the  ladies  to  go  out  of  town  for  a 
change,  and  was  made  quite  comfortable  by  a  promise  from 
Miss  Mary  that  the  intention  of  her  marriage  with  the  “  Lord  ” 
should  not  be  again  proclaimed.  It  was  with  feelings  of  pecul¬ 
iar  satisfaction  that  the  bachelor  made  arrangements  for  the 
Misses  Jekyll  to  have  a  pleasant  home  with  a  family  of  his 


A  DISAPPOINTED  BACHELOR 


53 


friends  at  Haverhill,  and  it  was  a  relief  to  him  when  he  saw  the 
ladies  seated  in  the  Faneuil  carriage  and  started  for  their  new 
home,  where  he  felt  that  they  were  to  be  safe  from  every 
invasion. 

But  after  more  mature  consideration,  he  decided  that  it  would 
be  better  to  have  them  return  to  their  brothers  in  England.  The 
ladies  seemed  not  to  be  averse  to  the  plan,  and  Mr.  Faneuil  made 
all  the  needful  arrangements  for  the  journey  across  the  ocean. 
When  the  ship  was  ready  to  sail,  they  were  called  to  Boston, 
but  only  one  responded  at  the  hour  set  for  the  departure,  and 
the  merchant  delayed  the  vessel  until  he  could  have  time  to  pen 
the  following  letter  of  explanation  :  — 

“  Mr.  Richard  Blacket  Jekyll  : 

“  Doubtless  you’ll  be  surprised  to  find  that  by  this  opportu¬ 
nity,  only  yr.  sister,  Mrs.  Hannah  of  the  family  who  I  hope  will 
arrive  safe  to  you,  has  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  and  her  other 
brother  in  England.  I  am  sorry  Mrs.  Mary  does  not  consult 
her  own  interest  so  much  as  I  could  wish,  whose  conduct  I 
should  say  nothing  of  were  it  not  out  of  regard  to  the  family  in 
generall.  It  is  now  only  one  month  past  since  she  suffered  her¬ 
self  to  be  published  to  one  Mr.  Linnington  of  St.  Christophers, 
formerly  known  here  by  the  name  of  My  Lord  Linnington,  or 
My  Lord,  whose  character,  if  you  remember  the  man,  I  need 
not  trouble  you  wth  a  repetition  of  it,  but  if  you  do  not,  I  can 
only  say  that  he  is  a  worthless  pretender  to  a  great  deal  of 
money  and  witt,  without,  according  to  the  best  account  I  can 
learn,  any  of  either,  wth  whom  she  would  inevitably  have  been 
married  had  not  some  other  friends  joined  forces  wth  me  and 
interposed.  Indeed  I  send  you  my  letter  to  her  on  that  head 
and  her  answer  for  yr  more  private  satisfaction.  That  affair 
being  tolerably  well  over  and  Capt.  Thomas’  state  room  hired 
for  the  two  Ladies  and  their  maid,  and  I  had  supplyed  them 
according  to  yr  desire  wth  what  money  they  might  have  occa- 


54 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


sion  of  to  fitt  them  out  for  the  voyage  and  paid  the  Capt.  for 
their  laying  in  and  tomorrow  being  the  time  appointed  to  go 
aboard,  I  was  this  morning  advised  that  Mrs.  Mary  had  changed 
her  mind  on  account  of  some  new  proposals  of  matrimony  made 
her  by  Colonel  Saltonstall  of  Haverhill  which  sudden  alteration 
I  find  to  be  on  examination  from  a  visit  or  two  within  ye  two  or 
three  days  last  past,  at  farthest,  but  have  even  concluded  upon 
and  determined  so  that  she  does  not  come  to  you.  Who  has 
been  the  Lady’s  adviser  I  know  not,  but  much  fear  it  has  been 
carried  on  by  one  and  the  other,  with  the  privacy  and  knowledge 
of  him  who  it  would  have  become  better  to  have  been  ignorant 
of  anything  of  this  nature,  which  you  may  be  sure  cannot  but  in 
some  measure  or  other  reflect  on  the  lady’s  conduct  in  being 
concerned  in  two  such  precipitated  engagements  so  very  soon. 
I  presume  yr.  sister  Hannah  will  give  you  a  whole  detail  of  the 
proceedings  from  whom  it  will  come  much  better  than  from  me 
altho’  I  have  as  great  regard  for  any  of  you  as  any  person.” 

This  bachelor  in  his  anxiety  writes  a  separate  letter  to  Mr. 
Joseph  Jekyll.  It  is  in  substance  what  he  has  so  minutely 
penned  to  the  brother  Richard.  He  says  :  “  I  am  very  sorry  the 
lady’s  inclinations  to  matrimony,  especially  in  this  part  of  the 
world  should  rob  you  of  the  pleasure  of  seeing  her  in  England, 
where  I  am  convinced  it  will  be  for  her  interest  to  be,  and 
to  wch.  I’ve  done  my  utmost  to  persuade  her  and  am  sure 
whoever  has  influenced  her  in  ye  affair  cannot  be  her  friends. 
.  .  .  I  had  the  pleasure  to  put  a  stop  to  Mrs.  Mary’s  marriage 
with  a  person  very  unworthy  of  her.  I  thought  it  would  be 
her  last  of  that  nature,  for  the  present,  but  there  is  no  account¬ 
ing  for  the  sex  in  affairs  of  love.”  This  sudden  influence  and 
precipitate  power  of  love  surprises  our  lymphatic  bachelor. 
He  was  astonished  that  so  much  could  be  accomplished  in 
three  days,  when  he  had  completed  almost  forty  years  and 
made  no  record  in  that  direction.  A  few  visits  at  the  last  gave 
all  the  time  that  the  anxious  Peter  could  find  had  been  spent  in 


SALTONSTALL  WINS  THE  YOUNG  LADY  55 


courtship,  but  he  did  not  take  into  account  the  fact  that  Colonel 
Richard  Saltonstall  was  a  widower,  and  like  others  in  similar 
affliction  lost  no  opportunity  to  appropriate  such  comfort  as 
awaited  him. 

We  can  but  regret  the  absence  of  Peter’s  letter  to  the  in¬ 
corrigible  maiden,  and  hers  in  reply  to  the  merchant,  but  must 
content  ourselves  with  the  inference  that  he  had  occasion  to 
regret  that  he  had  flittered  away  his  day  of  grace  while  the 
brilliant  colonel  seized  the  prize,  leaving  the  “Jolly  Bachelor”  to 
lament,  — - 

‘•Of  all  sad  words  of  tongue  or  pen, 

The  saddest  are  these  :  ‘It  might  have  been  ! 1  ” 

Leaving  the  famous  Saltonstall  family  as  they  have  received 
added  strength  through  union  with  the  Jekyll  family,  we  return 
to  the  Faneuil  house  to  find  our  stolid  bachelor  and  sister, 
Mary  Anne,  seated  about  the  stout  mahogany  board,  spread 
with  choice  London  silver,  and  burdened  with  luxuries  of  all 
lands  ;  but  they  are  surfeited  of  all  this,  and  almost  weary  of  a 
life  that  pays  tribute  to  Caesar.  Even  Peter  Faneuil  has  his 
moments  when  he  resolves  to  cut  loose  from  all  restraint  and 
act  himself ;  but  with  that  resolution  there  rises  up  before  him  a 
repetition  of  his  brother  Benjamin’s  fate,  and  he  is  aware  that 
it  is  not  too  late  for  Uncle  Andrew,  who  is  of  sound  and  dispos¬ 
ing  mind  and  memory,  to  change  his  entire  plan  with  but  the 
stroke  of  his  quill.  While  yet  struggling  beneath  the  cloud  of 
his  greatest  disappointment,  when  mansions,  warehouses,  ships, 
and  bonds  are  of  but  little  comfort  to  the  merchant,  the  great 
change  at  the  Faneuil  home  comes,  and  the  Jekylls  abroad 
were  made  aware  of  it  by  the  receipt  of  mourning  rings  from 
Peter  Faneuil,  executor  and  residuary  legatee  of  the  estate  of 
Andrew  Faneuil,  deceased. 


CHAPTER  VII 


A  Duel  in  Boston.  Noted  Families  involved.  Benjamin  Woodbridge 
slain  by  Henry  Phillips.  Phillips’s  Escape  to  France.  Professional  Men 
intercede  for  the  Pardon  of  the  Murderer.  New  Laws  against  Duelling  in 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

IN  Granary  Burying  Ground,  at  the  left  of  the  entrance  and 
within  a  few  feet  of  Tremont  Street,  stands  a  modest  memo¬ 
rial,  erect  in  its  place  as  when  it  first  bore  testimony  to  the  love 
of  bereaved  parents.  This  gravestone,  probably  the  product 
of  a  Welsh  quarry,  was  undoubtedly  the  work  of  a  stone-cutter 
in  England,  who,  unlike  modern  mortuary  sculptors,  made  no 
attempt  to  advertise  his  name.  In  material,  ornamentation,  and 
workmanship  it  is  a  good  specimen  of  the  memorials  of  the 
early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  having  the  grotesque  head 
and  wings,  the  sculptor’s  conception  of  angelic  form,  together 
with  the  perpendicular  border,  commonly  found  on  ancient 
gravestones.  This  stone  might  have  been  regarded  as  old  when 
the  victims  of  the  Boston  Massacre  were  interred  in  a  common 
grave  of  that  burial-place.  It  is  free  from  epitaph,  affording 
simply  the  ordinary  data.  But  had  the  whole  story  been 
recorded,  we  should  read  —  the  victim  of  a  duel  fought  in 
Boston. 

The  sword  as  an  article  of  a  gentleman’s  costume  was  fre¬ 
quently  seen  in  the  town,  but  a  duel  in  Boston,  one  hundred  and 
seventy-one  years  ago,  aroused  the  people  as  it  would  to-day. 
It  was  a  4th  of  July  morning  when  the  sad  report  was  circu- 

56 


A  DUEL  IN  BOSTON 


5  7 


lated  through  the  town.  It  was  not  the  time  of  “  extra  edi¬ 
tions,”  “  specials,”  etc.,  but  official  notice  was  soon  made  of  the 
event,  as  Governor  Dummer’s  proclamation  bears  testimony  :  — 


“  Whereas  a  barbarous  murder  was  last  night  committed,  on 
the  body  of  Benjamin  Woodbridge,  a  young  gentleman,  resident 
of  the  town  of  Boston  ;  and  Henry  Phillips,  of  said  town,  is 
suspected  to  be  the  author  of  said  murder,  and  is  now  fled  from 
justice ;  I  have  therefore  thought  proper  to  issue  this  proclama¬ 
tion,  hereby  commanding  all  justices,  sheriffs,  constables,  and 
all  other  officers,  within  this  Province,  and  requiring  all  others, 
in  his  Majesty’s  name,  to  use  their  utmost  endeavor  that  the 
said  Henry  Phillips  may  be  apprehended  and  brought  to  justice  ; 
and  all  persons,  whosoever,  are  commanded,  at  their  utmost 
peril,  not  to  harbor  nor  conceal  him.  The  said  Henry  Phillips 
is  a  fair  young  man,  about  the  age  of  twenty-two  years,  well  set, 
and  well  dressed  :  and  has  a  wound  in  one  of  his  hands.  Given 
at  Boston,  the  4th  of  July,  1728,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign 


58 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


of  our  Sovereign  Lord  and  King  George  II.”  Signed  “  William 
Dummer,  Governor.” 

The  New  England  Weekly  Journal  of  July  8  has  the  follow¬ 
ing  :  “  On  Thursday  last,  the  4th  current,  about  3  in  the 
morning,  after  some  hours’  search,  was  found  dead,  near  the 
Powder  House,  the  body  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Woodbridge,  a  young 
gentleman,  merchant  of  this  place.  He  had  a  small  stab,  under 
the  right  arm  ;  but  what  proved  fatal  to  him  was  a  thrust  he 
received,  under  his  right  breast,  which  come  out,  at  the  small  of 
his  back.  The  forefinger  of  his  left  hand  was  almost  cut  off,  at 
the  uppermost  joint,  supposed  to  be  done  by  grasping  a  naked 
sword.  The  Coroner’s  inquest  immediately  set  upon  the  body; 
and,  after  the  best  information  and  evidence  they  could  obtain, 
upon  their  oaths  say,  that  the  said  Benjamin  Woodbridge  was 
killed',  with  a  sword,  run  through  his  body,  by  the  hands  of 
Henry  Phillips,  of  Boston,  merchant,  on  the  Common,  in  said 
Boston,  on  the  third  of  this  instant,  as  appears  to  us,  by  sundry 
evidences  :  The  body  was  carried  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Jonathan 
Sewall,  (his  partner)  and  on  Saturday  last,  was  decently  and 
handsomely  interred,  his  funeral  being  attended,  by  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  several  of  the  Council,  and  most  of  the 
Merchants  and  gentlemen  of  the  town.  But  the  above,  being 
plain  matters  of  fact,  we  thought  it  not  improper  to  give  the 
public  an  account  thereof.  The  unhappy  gentleman,  who  is  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  committed  the  act,  is  not  yet  found.  This  new  and 
almost  unknown  case  has  put  the  whole  town  into  great  surprise.” 

Judge  Sewall’s  interleaved  almanac  has  the  following:  — 

“4th  July  1728  Poor  Mr.  Benj’m.  Woodbridge  is  found  dead 
in  the  Comon.  this  morning,  below  the  Powderhouse,  with  a 
Sword-thrust  through  him,  and  his  own  Sword  undrawn.  Henry 
Phillips  is  suspected.  The  Town  is  amazed  !  ”  On  the  4th, 
Rev.  Joseph  Sewall,  son  of  Judge  Sewall,  and  pastor  of  Old 
South  Church,  made  a  record  of  the  event,  and  also,  on  the  1 8th, 
preached  on  the  subject  of  the  duel. 


BENJAMIN  WOODBRIDGE  SLAIN 


59 


Such  were  the  official  and  other  notices  of  the  event,  but 
“Why  introduce  the  subject  here?”  and  “What  of  Henry 
Phillips?”  Boston’s  first  duel  is  here  considered  because  of  the 
part  which  the  Faneuil  family  played  in  that  tragic  feature  of 
Boston’s  history.  Henry  Phillips  was  the  brother  of  Gillam 
Phillips,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  married  Marie,  sister  of  Peter 


Hon.  Dudley  Woodbridge 


Faneuil.  Phillips  and  his  victim  both  were  connected  with  the 
best  families  of  the  province  and  were  social  favorites  of  the 
town.  Shurtleff  says  Woodbridge  was  son  of  a  gentleman  of 
some  distinction  in  Barbadoes,  one  of  the  magistrates  there,  who 
had  formerly  been  settled  in  the  ministry,  as  pastor  of  the 
church  in  Groton,  Connecticut.  The  young  man  had  been 
recently  admitted  to  business  as  a  partner  with  Mr.  Jonathan 
Sewall,  one  of  the  most  active  merchants  in  the  place.  The 
unfortunate  survivor  was  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  and 


6o 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


associated  with  his  brother  Gillam  as  successors  of  their  father, 
Samuel  Phillips,  leading  booksellers  of  the  place. 

The  occasion  of  the  act,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  had  no 
mitigating  effect  upon  the  mind  of  young  Phillips,  who  from 
the  moment  of  the  fatal  thrust  was  a  self-condemned  man. 
“  Out,  damned  spot,”  was  his  distracted  cry,  but  all  to  no  avail. 
In  cover  of  the  same  shadow  which  had  screened  both  young 
men,  when  stealing  their  way  to  the  Common,  Phillips  glided 
through  the  town  to  his  home,  but  not  to  carry  cheer  to  the 
heart  of  his  widowed  mother.  It  was  to  seek  help  to  make 
good  his  escape  before  the  strong  arm  of  the  law  should  be 
laid  upon  him.  Brother  Gillam  and  wife,  Marie  Faneuil,  were 
entrusted  with  the  fatal  secret,  and  as  quick  as  man  could  go, 
Gillam  Phillips  was  on  his  way  to  the  Faneuil  mansion,  and 
Peter  was  aroused  and  made  a  partner  in  the  secret.  Whether 
he  stopped  to  consider  the  right  and  wrong  of  his  act,  we  do  not 
know,  but  his  sympathetic  nature  was  soon  in  action  to  aid  the 
suffering  man.  Before  the  early  sun  of  that  July  morning  had 
dried  the  victim's  blood  from  the  sod  of  Boston  Common, 
Phillips  was  well  on  his  way  to  France.  The  incidents  of  this 
night  of  sorrow  have  been  well  given  by  “  A  Sexton  of  the  Old 
School,”  and  to  his  report  the  following,  is  credited. 

Phillips  was  first  conducted  by  Peter  Faneuil  to  the  house  of 
Colonel  Estes  Hatch,  and  there  concealed.  His  brother  Gillam, 
in  the  meantime,  applied  to  Captain  John  Winslow  of  the  pink 
Molly,  for  a  boat  to  carry  Henry  on  board  the  British  man-of- 
war  then  lying  between  the  Castle  and  Spectacle  Island.  Gillam 
and  the  captain  went  to  Hatch’s  and  had  an  interview  with 
Peter  and  Henry,  in  the  yard,  as  a  result  of  which  they  made 
haste  to  Gibbs’s  Wharf,  screened  on  the  way  by  a  dense  fog  that 
had  floated  inland  greatly  to  their  relief.  Gillam  Phillips  and 
the  captain  of  the  Molly  had  gone  to  Long  Wharf,  taking  a 
boat  and  four  of  the  pink’s  crew,  and  made  their  way  around 
among  the  craft  that  lay  at  anchor,  to  where  Peter  Faneuil  and 


PHILLIPS’S  ESCAPE  TO  FRANCE 


61 


his  heart-stricken  companion  were  anxiously  waiting.  The  sound 
of  the  boatmen’s  oars  splashing  along  toward  that  modern  Cain 
for  the  moment  seemed  a  relief ;  the  boat  touched  the  wharf,  then 
came  the  final  grasp  of  Phillips’s  and  Faneuil’s  hands,  the  boat 
was  turned  from  the  shore,  and  the  rowers  gave  way.  But  that 
fog,  favorable  at  one  moment,  was  a  later  trouble.  They  ran  on 
shore  at  Dorchester  Neck,  but  at  length  reached  the  Shurness, 
man-of-war.  They  were  received  on  board.  Captain  Conrad 
and  Lieutenant  Pritchard  very  naturally  were  disposed  to  sym¬ 
pathize  with  the  sufferer.  They  looked  upon  him  as  the  hero 
of  a  most  chivalrous  act.  Having  told  the  whole  story,  Gillam 
Phillips  took  leave  of  his  brother  and  made  his  way  back  to 
Boston,  to  find  the  town  in  a  state  of  warranted  excitement. 
But  the  search  for  the  murderer  had  ceased,  for  the  people  were 
well  aware  that  he  had  made  good  his  escape. 

At  an  early  hour,  Governor  Hummer’s  proclamation  was  in 
the  hands  of  some  trusty  compositor,  in  the  office  of  Samuel 
Kneeland  in  Queen  Street,  and  soon  the  poster  with  its  double 
header  was  seen  upon  all  the  town  pumps  and  chief  corners  of 
the  streets,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  day. 

The  alert  Peter  doubtless  had  secured  a  copy,  and  in  the 
quiet  of  his  counting-room  was  reading  it  all  to  himself.  Just 
how  he  felt  when  coming  to  this  clause,  “  and  all  persons,  who¬ 
soever,  are  commanded  at  their  utmost  peril,  not  to  harbor  nor 
conceal  him,”  we  do  not  know,  but  he  seems  not  to  have  with¬ 
held  his  testimony  when  examined  with  others,  before  Justice 
Elisha  Cook  on  that  4th  of  July.  The  examination  removed 
all  doubt  as  to  the  guilt  of  Henry  Phillips;  for  John  Cutler,  the 
doctor  who  dressed  his  wounds,  testified  that  Henry  Phillips  told 
him  that  he  had  quarrelled  with  Woodbridge  and  wounded  him, 
he  feared  mortally.  Dr.  George  Pemberton  also  testified  to 
meeting  Henry  Phillips  at  the  Sun  Tavern  and  receiving  the 
confession  of  the  sad  affair.  Captain  John  Winslow  told  how 
he  was  aroused  at  eleven  o’clock  the  previous  night  by  Mr.  Gil- 


62 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


lam  Phillips,  who  wanted  a  boat  to  carry  off  his  brother  Henry, 
who  had  wounded  or  killed  a  man,  and  also  told  the  events  that 
followed  until  the  young  man  was  off  on  the  boat.  The  men  of 
the  Molly  s  crew  were  also  summoned  to  tell  their  part  in  that 
night’s  escape. 

On  the  second  Tuesday  of  August,  1728,  the  grand  jurors, 
under  Attorney-general  Hiller’s  instructions,  found  a  bill  against 
Henry  Phillips  for  the  murder  of  Benjamin  Woodbridge ;  but 
Phillips  was  beyond  its  effect  on  the  high  seas,  a  far  greater 
sufferer  than  if  in  Boston  in  the  hands  of  the  law  of  the  prov¬ 
ince.  He  felt  himself  condemned  by  the  silent  ruling  of  an 
impartial  judge  who  held  court  within  his  stricken  soul  as  in 
each  offending  mortal. 

The  feelings  of  that  young  man,  when  left  with  strangers  on 
board  the  Shurncss,  are  beyond  imagination.  His  gallantry,  in 
the  estimation  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  wardroom,  must  have  fur¬ 
nished  a  ready  passport  to  their  hearts.  He  had  killed  his  man, 
come  off  first  best  as  they  regarded  it,  and  was  a  hero  indeed 
in  the  minds  of  some  ;  but  Phillips  had  no  relish  for  their  appro¬ 
bation  ;  he  was  already  stricken  with  a  malady  which  termi¬ 
nated  his  life,  as  we  are  to  infer  from  information  brought  to 
light  by  our  authority,  the  old  Sexton. 

On  that  fatal  night,  Peter  Laneuil  gave  the  wanderer  letters 
of  introduction  to  his  uncle,  Jean  (John)  Laneuil,  at  Rochelle, 
France,  who,  we  have  learned,  remained  in  his  native  land  at 
the  time  of  the  flight  of  others  of  the  family.  This  uncle,  no 
doubt,  received  the  young  man  with  his  characteristic  kindness, 
and  plied  him  with  many  questions  as  to  the  well-being  of  his 
brother  Andrew,  and  the  children  of  his  deceased  brother  Ben¬ 
jamin,  now  located  in  Boston.  It  did  not  require  much  time  to 
discover  the  distracted  state  of  mind  of  the  visitor.  Every 
remedy  within  John  Faneuil's  power  was  applied  to  relieve  the 
sufferer,  but  to  no  avail ;  his  mother  was  notified  of  his  hope¬ 
less  condition,  and  the  same  sympathizing  Peter  Faneuil  aided 


INTERCESSION  FOR  PARDON  OF  MURDERER  63 


the  widow,  Madame  Hannah  Phillips,  to  make  the  journey  to 
France,  where  her  son  was  anxiously  waiting  for  her.  Her 
arrival  there  was,  however,  too  late  for  the  young  man  to  receive 
his  mother’s  forgiveness. 

Strong  sympathy  existed  in  Boston  and  vicinity  for  Henry 
Phillips,  the  most  influential  men  joining  in  an  effort  to  relieve 
him.  There  were  eighty-eight  who  subscribed  their  names  to 
the  document  bearing  the  following  :  — 

“  These  may  certify  to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  that  we,  the 
subscribers,  well  knew,  and  esteemed  Mr.  Henry  Phillips  of  Bos¬ 
ton,  in  New  England,  to  be  a  youth  of  a  very  affable,  courteous, 
and  peaceable  behavior  and  disposition,  and  never  heard  he  was 
addicted  to  quarrelling,  he  being  soberly  brought  up,  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  studies,  and  living  chiefly  an  academical  life  ; 
and  verily  believe  him  slow  to  anger,  and  with  difficulty  moved 
to  resentment.” 

Among  these  names  very  naturally  appeared  that  of  Andrew 
Faneuiland  his  nephews,  Peter  and  Benjamin  ;  but  as  they  were 
family  connections,  they  would  not  carry  the  weight  of  others. 

This  statement  was  given  added  significance  by  the  gover¬ 
nor’s  certificate,  bearing  the  seal  of  the  province  :  “  By  his 
Excellency,  William  Burnet,  etc.  These  may  certify  whom  it 
may  concern,  that  John  Wentworth  Esquire  is  Lieut.  Governor 
of  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire;  that  William  Tailor  Esquire 
was  formerly  Lieut.  Governor  of  the  Province  of  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Bay,  and  is  now  a  member  of  his  Majesty’s  Council  for 
said  Province;  that  James  Stevens  is  Surveyor  General  of  the 
Customs,  for  the  Northern  district,  in  America  ;  that  Thomas 
Lechmere  Esquire  was  late  Surveyor  General  of  the  same  ;  that 
John  Jekyll  Esquire  is  Collector  of  the  Customs,  for  the  port  of 
Boston  ;  that  Thomas  Steele  is  Justice  of  the  Peace  ;  that  Will¬ 
iam  Lambert  Esquire  is  Controller  of  the  Customs  at  Boston  ; 
that  J.  Minzier  Esquire  was  Judge  of  the  Vice  Admiralty  ;  that 
Messieurs  Timothy  Cutler,  Henry  Harris,  George  Pigot  and 


64 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Ebenezer  Miller  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel  ;  and  that  the 
other  subscribers  to  the  certificate  on  the  other  side  are  some 
of  them  merchants  and  others  gentlemen  of  the  town  of  Boston.” 

The  name  of  Governor  Burnet  was  added,  and  the  date  affixed 
was  October  21,  1728. 

Only  about  ten  months  elapsed  between  the  death  of  Ben¬ 
jamin  Woodbridge  on  Boston  Common  and  the  death  of  Henry 
Phillips  at  Rochelle,  France,  but  it  was  a  time  when  the  two 
branches  of  the  Faneuil  family  had  occasion  to  exchange  fre¬ 
quent  messages.  No  vessel  left  Boston  bound  for  France,  that 
did  not  carry  some  message  to  Uncle  John  Faneuil  and  Henry 
Phillips.  The  whole  correspondence  in  that  line  concluded  at 
length  with  an  adjustment  of  the  bills  incurred  during  the  last 
illness  of  “  Monsieur  Henry  Phillipe  ’  from  the  4th  of  April  to 
the  20th  of  May,  1729. 

A  startling  calamity  usually  results  in  amending  laws  found 
to  be  ineffectual,  or  in  closing  avenues  which  have  proved  to  be 
fatal  to  life  or  limb.  Boston’s  duel  of  1728  resulted  in  repeal¬ 
ing  the  law  of  1719  and  of  enacting  one  more  stringent.  A 
session  of  the  General  Court  of  the  province  began  on  July  24, 
1728,  when  the  scene  of  the  4th  of  the  same  month  was  fresh 
in  the  minds  of  all.  The  first  business  done  was  to  provide  that 
“  who  ever  shall  be  so  hardy  and  wicked  as  to  fight  a  duel,  — 
upon  being  convicted  thereof,  shall  for  every  such  offence  be 
carried  publickly  in  a  cart  to  the  gallows,  with  a  rope  about  his 
neck,  and  sit  on  the  gallows  for  the  space  of  one  hour,  with  a 
rope  about  his  neck  as  aforesaid  and  then  be  committed  to  the 
common  gaol  of  the  County  for  twelve  months.”  The  body  of 
a  person  killed  in  a  duel  was  denied  a  Christian  burial,  and  was 
placed,  without  a  coffin,  in  a  grave  near  the  usual  place  of  exe¬ 
cution,  and  a  stake  driven  through  the  body.  And  if  the  sur¬ 
vivor  of  a  duel  was  convicted  of  murder  and  made  to  suffer  death, 
his  body  was  given  the  same  vindictive  treatment  as  though  he 
had  been  the  victim  of  the  duel. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


Peter  Faneuil’s  Great  Interest  in  the  Markets  of  the  Town.  Early  Market 
Customs  in  England  and  America.  Legislation  in  Regard  to  Marketing  in 
Boston.  Robert  Keayne’s  Bequest  for  a  Market.  Three  Markets  estab¬ 
lished.  Their  Failure.  Mob  Law  in  Boston.  How  Family  Supplies  were 
furnished  in  Colonial  Days. 

\  ^  7TTH  all  his  love  of  display  and  good  living,  Peter  Faneuil 
»  *  was  a  public-spirited  citizen.  While  he  was  engrossed 
in  the  distracting  cares  of  an  extensive  commercial  business, 
and  absorbed  in  the  exhilarating  pleasures  of  the  passing  hour, 
and  while  a  comparatively  young  man,  he  had  a  vital  interest 
in  the  welfare  of  his  neighbors  and  friends  as  well  as  in  the 
future  good  of  the  town  of  Boston.  From  his  own  experience 
he  realized  the  disadvantages  under  which  trade  was  conducted 
without  a  local  market.  Fie  had  a  fervent  desire  to  see  some 
improvement  in  this  direction,  and  manifested  a  willingness  to 
aid  in  securing  it. 

Before  considering  the  method  adopted  by  Peter  Faneuil  to 
give  force  to  his  heart’s  desire,  it  may  be  well  to  turn  backward 
and  learn  something  of  early  market  customs,  and  see  what  had 
been  the  course  pursued  in  the  town  of  Boston. 

The  market-place  of  the  mother  country  was  of  much  impor¬ 
tance  and  under  the  control  of  special  law.  The  legalized 
market  was  usually  in  an  open  space,  where  people  could  buy 
and  sell  under  certain  prescribed  conditions.  It  was  usually 
the  rule  of  English  law  that  a  buyer  in  open  market  got  a  good 
f  65 


66 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


title  to  his  purchase,  though  the  seller  might  not  have  a  good 
title. 

While  the  immigrants  and  their  successors  in  New  England 
must  have  had  the  English  market  laws  and  customs  in  mind 
when  they  established  themselves  here,  the  open  market  law 
was  never  introduced.  But  the  holding  of  a  market  or  a  fair 
was  in  some  instances  made  a  condition  or  a  charter  privilege. 

An  interesting  case  was  that  of  the  settlement  of  New  Castle, 
New  Hampshire,  the  charter  of  which  was  given  on  the  thirtieth 
day  of  May,  1693.  It  provides  “  that  they  shall  have  and  enjoy 
and  use  the  ferry  the  days  of  the  fairs  of  New  Castle  aforesaid, 
forever,  to  be  held  there  every  Wednesday,  and  one  fair  for 
two  days,  to  wit,  on  the  first  Tuesday  and  Wednesday  of  July, 
forever,  together  with  all  issues  and  profits  to  the  said  market 
and  fair.” 

The  founders  of  Boston  were  tardy  in  setting  apart  a  place  for 
a  market.  So  delinquent  were  they  that  students  of  its  annals 
have  been  at  much  pains  to  find  the  occasion  of  this  delay. 

In  1633-1634  Winthrop  records  that  an  order  was  passed  by 
the  Court  of  Assistants  for  the  “  Erection  of  a  Mercate  ”  in 
Boston,  to  be  kept  open  on  Thursdays,  the  public  lecture  day. 
This  is  thought  to  have  referred  only  to  a  gathering  of  buyers 
and  sellers  at  one  place  and  not  to  any  building,  although  in 
1635  there  is  a  record  of  an  order,  “that  all  the  timber  be 
taken  away  from  the  market,  and  gotten  clear,  and  saw  pitts 
gotten  filled  up.”  This  timber  must  have  come  into  the  town 
by  the  dock,  and  the  saw-pits  were  not  far  away.  There  is 
also  a  record  at  this  time,  that  “the  selectmen  desired  to  lay  a 
floor  in  the  market  place  at  the  northerly  part  of  the  town.” 
This  may  have  been  a  plan  to  keep  people  out  of  water  and 
mud  when  standing  in  the  market-place. 

The  spot  where  the  old  State  House  stands,  at  the  head  of 
State  Street,  was  made  the  market-place.  Other  towns  soon 
made  application  for  the  privileges  of  a  market  town,  and 


KEAYNE’S  BEQUEST  FOR  A  MARKET  67 


Charlestown  and  Salem  were  granted  the  right.  Boston  was 
made  a  fair  town  in  1648.  Salem,  Dorchester,  and  Watertown 
were  also  authorized  to  hold  semiannual  fairs.  Lynn  was 
early  made  a  market  town. 

In  1654  there  was  another  order  in  Boston,  which  is  inexpli¬ 
cable.  It  was  “  that  the  guns  in  the  market  place  be  trimmed 
up  against  the  court  [meeting]  of  the  selectmen  annually.” 

But  we  do  not  infer  from  any  of  these  arrangements  that 
market  houses  were  established.  We  have  no  record  of  an 
effort  to  provide  a  house  for  a  market  until  that  found  in  the 
last  will  of  Robert  Keayne,  probated  in  1656.  He  is  remem¬ 
bered  as  the  founder  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery 
Company,  while  living,  and  by  various  strange  provisions  made 
in  his  last  will  —  a  most  voluminous  document.  Among  the 
provisions  is  the  following  :  — 

“  I  having  long  thought  and  considered  of  the  want  of  some 
necessary  things  of  public  concernment  which  may  not  be  only 
commodious,  but  very  profitable  and  usefull  for  the  Town  of 
Boston,  as  a  market  place  and  cundit,  the  one  a  good  helpe  in 
danger  of  fyre  .  .  .  the  other  usefull  for  the  country  people  that 
come  with  their  provisions  for  the  supply  of  the  towne,  that 
they  may  have  a  place  to  sett  dry  in  and  warme,  both  in  cold 
raine  and  durty  weather,  and  may  have  a  place  to  leave  their 
corne  or  any  other  things  safe  that  they  cannot  sell,  till  they 
come  again,  which  would  be  both  an  encouragement  to  come 
in  and  a  great  means  to  increase  trading  in  the  Towne  also.” 

This  early  benefactor  of  the  town  of  Boston  bequeathed 
^300  “in  good  merchantable  pay”  for  the  purpose  set  forth  in 
his  will.  But  the  “market  place”  seems  not  to  have  been  pro¬ 
vided  as  Mr.  Keayne  intended,  or,  if  provided,  it  came  to  an 
end  when  the  first  town  house  was  burned,  October,  1711.  A 
sort  of  go-as-you-please  course  was  in  vogue  for  many  years 
after  this  will  was  allowed. 

It  was  this  wealthy  and  influential  citizen  who  inaugurated  a 


68 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


movement  for  the  erection  of  the  first  town  house  in  Boston, 
which  was  built  in  1658,  on  the  site  occupied  by  the  old  State 
House  at  present,  opposite  which  was  the  residence  of  this  early 
benefactor. 

In  the  act  passed  by  the  General  Court  for  granting  aid 
toward  the  erection  of  this  public  building  it  was  stipulated  that 
a  place  underneath  should  be  free  for  the  purposes  of  a  market. 
Assuming  that  the  early  countrymen  did  have  a  place  “  to 
sett  dry  in  and  warme,”  in  the  open  space  beneath  the  market, 
we  turn  to  look  for  some  of  the  legal  provisions  for  this  im¬ 
portant  class  of  people. 

It  was  in  December,  1695,  that  an  act  was  passed  forbidding 
the  sale  of  imported  provisions  at  wholesale  until  three  days’ 
notice  by  public  crier  had  been  given.  This  was  an  act  in  favor 
of  the  poor  people,  who  were  thus  to  have  the  opportunity  to 
buy  in  small  quantities  at  wholesale  rates.  The  town  of  Boston 
repeatedly  restricted  the  purchase  of  provisions  at  the  Neck 
brought  in  from  the  country. 

In  the  spring  of  1696  it  was  ordered  that  a  market  be  held  in 
Boston  every  Tuesday,  Thursday,  and  Saturday.  It  was  ordered 
that  a  bell  should  be  rung  at  the  opening  of  the  market  at  7  a.m. 
from  March  to  May,  and  at  6  a.m.  from  May  to  September,  and 
after  that  at  9  a.m.  The  market  hours  were  till  6  p.m.  between 
March  and  September,  and  the  other  time  till  4  p.m. 

The  market  bell  was  a  thing  of  very  early  origin,  and  the 
custom  was  readily  adopted  by  the  Boston  citizens  as  an  impor¬ 
tant  feature  of  the  market,  when  they  reached  the  point  of 
establishing  such.  Shakespeare  tells  of  the  custom  in  1  Henry 
VI.  iii.  2,  16  :  “  Enter,  go  in  ;  the  market  bell  is  rung.” 

With  this  plan  there  was  a  rule  adopted  whereby  retailers, 
hucksters,  and  traders  could  not  buy  until  the  afternoon,  in  order 
that  housekeepers  might  have  the  benefit  of  the  early  chance. 
Clerks  were  ordered  to  be  appointed  by  the  selectmen  for  the 
enforcement  of  rules. 


THREE  MARKETS  ESTABLISHED 


69 


While  all  this  implies  an  established  market,  it  is  not  appar¬ 
ent  that  one  was  set  up  for  some  years.  Public  sentiment  need¬ 
ful  to  make  law  effectual  was  very  much  against  the  market ; 
this  opposition  may  have  been  increased  by  a  fear  on  the  part 
of  the  Puritans  that  the  market  cross,  often  set  up  in  England, 
Scotland,  and  on  the  Continent,  might  be  introduced  on  these 
shores,  and  they  were  willing  to  submit  to  any  inconvenience 
rather  than  have  the  semblance  of  that  power  from  which  they 
had  striven  so  hard  to  rid  themselves. 

In  Uring’s  description  of  Boston  in  1709  is  read:  “The  town 
of  Boston  is  plentifully  supplied  with  good  and  wholesome  pro¬ 
visions  of  all  sorts,  not  inferior  to  those  of  England.  Though 
the  town  is  large  and  populous,  they  could  never  be  brought  to 
establish  a  market  in  it,  notwithstanding  several  of  their  gov¬ 
ernors  have  taken  great  pains  to  convince  the  inhabitants  how 
useful  and  beneficial  it  would  be  to  ’em,  but  the  country  people 
always  oppose  it. 

“  Their  reason  is,  if  market  days  were  appointed  all  the  coun¬ 
try  people  coming  in  at  the  same  time  would  glut  it,  and  the 
townspeople  would  buy  their  provisions  for  what  they  pleased. 
So  they  rather  choose  to  send  them  as  they  think  fit,  and  some¬ 
times  a  tall  fellow  brings  a  turkey  or  goose  to  sell,  and  will 
travel  through  the  whole  town  to  see  who  will  give  the  most  for 
it,  and  it  is  at  last  sold  for  3^.  6<r /.  or  4 s.,  and  if  he  had  stayed  at 
home  he  could  have  earned  a  crown  by  his  labor.” 

Longfellow,  in  “Tales  of  a  Wayside  Inn”  (the  Saga  of  King 
Olaf),  seems  to  describe  this  situation  when  he  quotes  :  — 

“What’s  the  use 

Of  tills  bragging  up  and  down, 

When  three  women  and  one  goose 
Make  a  market  in  your  town  !  ” 

This  seeming  stupidity  on  the  part  of  the  country  people  had 
its  effect,  and  it  was  not  until  1717  that  more  effectual  action 


70 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


was  taken.  Complaints  were  frequently  made  by  the  people 
of  Boston  that  they  were  being  imposed  upon  by  the  hucksters, 
and  the  subject  of  a  market  was  again  before  the  voters. 

It  was  decided  that  the  remedy  was  to  come  through  the  erec¬ 
tion  of  a  public  market  house.  Then  Dr.  Benjamin  Colman 
published  a  pamphlet  in  favor  of  it.  This  was  a  subject  for  de¬ 
bate  from  meeting  to  meeting,  and  when  it  finally  came  to  a 
vote,  it  was  disallowed.  But  some  good  resulted  from  the  appar¬ 
ent  wrong.  Restrictions  were  put  upon  the  hucksters  and  house- 
to-house  pedlers,  but  it  was  not  until  much  later  that  a  majority 
vote  to  erect  market  houses  was  carried. 

When  the  desired  unanimity  was  secured,  arrangements  were 
made  for  establishing  three  market-places.  Seven  hundred 
pounds  was  appropriated  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  provid¬ 
ing  the  needful  buildings.  The  committee  entrusted  with  this 
important  town  business  consisted  of  Thomas  Fitch,  Edward 
Hutchinson,  Thomas  Palmer,  and  Jacob  Wendall,  Ifsqrs.  ;  Mr. 
James  Watson,  Mr.  Francis  Willoughby,  and  Mr.  John  Steel. 
Three  locations  were  selected  :  one  in  the  vicinity  of  Essex 
Street,  one  in  Dock  Square,  where  Faneuil  Hall  Market  was 
later  erected,  and  a  third  was  the  open  space  near  the  old  North 
Meeting-house,  called  North  Square.  The  nearness  of  market 
and  meeting-house  was  doubtless  a  following  of  the  plan  in  the 
old  country,  as  was  Robert  Keayne’s  plan  of  having  one  oppo¬ 
site  the  first  meeting-house. 

This  project,  long  contemplated,  was  one  of  great  moment, 
and  required  the  greatest  strength  of  will  on  the  part  of  the 
gentlemen  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  the  plans.  Proposals 
were  regularly  received  “  touching  the  demolition  and  repairing 
and  leasing  out  the  old  buildings  in  Dock  Square  belonging  to 
the  town.” 

When  ready  for  use,  an  order  was  passed  for  the  markets  to 
be  kept  open  every  day  in  the  week,  except  Sundays  and  such 
days  as  the  government  might  appoint  in  which  religious  ser- 


FAILURE  OF  THE  LOCAL  MARKETS 


7 1 


vices  were  to  be  held.  Market  hours  were  from  sunrise  to  one 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  a  bell  was  to  be  rung  at  the  hour 
of  opening. 

June  4,  1734,  was  the  first  real  market-day,  when  the  market- 
houses  provided,  sanctioned,  and  protected  by  town  government 
were  opened.  It  was  a  red-letter  day  for  Boston,  a  good  par¬ 
allel  for  that  of  163  years  later,  when  the  Subway  was  opened  to 
the  use  of  the  public,  not  a  few  of  the  recent  company  being 
descendants  of  those  who  first  went  to  the  markets  of  the  town. 
It  was  a  day  of  history,  and  we  are  indebted  to  the  newspapers 
of  the  time  for  a  record  of  the  proceedings. 

“  The  concourse  of  people,  sellers,  buyers  and  spectators  was 
very  considerable,  abundance  of  provisions  were  brought  for 
sale.  Those  that  exceeded  in  goodness  and  cheapness  went  off 
quickly,  but  those  that  were  poor  or  dear  more  slowly.”  There 
were  no  middlemen ;  the  farmers  sold  their  own  produce,  and 
the  fishermen  their  own  catch. 

All  this  record  convinces  us  that  we,  the  descendants  of 
those  dealers,  have  the  same  habits  —  the  love  of  good  eat¬ 
ing  being  no  modern  development,  while  the  regard  for  the 
money  was  a  trait  of  our  honored  ancestors. 

One  feels  like  pausing  here  and  expressing  relief  that  the 
people  of  Boston  and  vicinity,  after  more  than  a  century  of 
loose  marketing,  have  well-regulated,  systematic  market-places. 

We  cannot  help  concluding  that  such  an  arrangement  must 
have  met  with  public  favor.  But  they  soon  learned  the  truth  of 
the  Scotch  singer  :  — 

“  The  best  laid  schemes  o1  mice  an1  men  gang  aft  a-gley.” 

Contentions  were  still  "kept  up  among  the  people  as  to  whether 
they  would  be  served  at  their  own  doors  in  the  old  way,  or  resort 
to  fixed  localities ;  the  feelings  of  the  people  were  intense,  and 
these  local  markets  became  unpopular  in  less  than  four  years 
of  trial,  and  were  abandoned. 


72 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


The  market  house  at  the  North  End  was  taken  down,  and  the 
timber  was  used  in  another  public  building.  That  at  the  South 
End  was  converted  into  stores  and  rented,  while  the  first  market 
house  in  Dock  Square  met  a  different  fate.  The  opponents  to 
a  local  market  took  the  matter  into  their  own  hands,  and  being 
determined  to  ruin,  if  they  could  not  rule,  they  disguised  them¬ 
selves  as  clergymen  on  a  dark  night  of  the  year  1737  and  tore 
the  house  down. 

Although  void  of  any  market  house,  the  land  in  this  locality 
continued  to  be  known  as  a  market-place,  having  been  thus 
designated  by  popular  consent  from  the  very  early  years  of  the 
century.  The  section  at  the  north  of  the  dock  was  known  as 
the  fish  market.  The  entire  locality  had  been  the  town’s  sec¬ 
tion  for  business  activity  from  its  days  of  small  beginnings. 

The  first  paragraph  of  the  records  establishes  the  fact  that  in 
1634  this  was  the  chief  landing-place.  Shaw  says  :  — 

“  The  chief  part  of  the  town  was  built  on  the  cove  or  bay 
which  has  since  been  called  the  town  dock,”  Dock  Square 
being  a  more  modern  form  of  expression. 

At  the  time  when  the  Dock  Square  market  house  was  razed  by 
the  band  of  wolves  in  sheep's  clothing,  or,  to  be  more  explicit, 
the  citizens  who  stole  the  livery  of  heaven  to  serve  the  devil 
with,  the  families  of  Boston  were  not  as  dependent  upon  the 
country  people  for  domestic  supplies  as  in  later  days.  A  large 
portion  of  the  milk  consumed  was  produced  in  the  town.  Each 
family  of  good  standing  kept  one  or  more  cows,  and  the  rais¬ 
ing  of  live  stock  was  encouraged  by  vote  in  town  meeting. 
Herds  of  cows  grazed  on  the  Common  and  quenched  their  thirst 
at  the  Frog  Pond,  where  for  generations  the  children  have  found 
their  great  delight. 

Our  present  State  House  site  was  Hancock’s  pasture.  Cattle 
and  sheep  were  seen  in  large  numbers  on  the  islands  and  other 
lands  not  far  away.  There  was  no  restriction  upon  the  raising 
of  hogs,  and  from  these  different  sources  came  a  good  deal  of 


HOW  SUPPLIES  WERE  FURNISHED 


73 


the  meat  consumed.  In  fact,  it  was  the  case  of  a  stray  sow 
that  left  an  impress  on  the  “  Great  and  General  Assembly.” 

In  early  colonial  times  swine  were  allowed  to  run  at  large,  if 
properly  yoked  ;  but  it  chanced  that  one  small  pig  strayed  from 
its  owner’s  pen,  and  was  taken  to  the  before-mentioned  Robert 
Keayne,  who  had  it  cried  a  number  of  days,  but  no  one  appear¬ 
ing  to  lay  claim  and  prove  property,  the  stray  pig  was  daily 
cared  for  with  one  of  the  captain’s.  He  fed  it  for  a  year,  and 
just  as  he  had  killed  it  a  woman  came  and  laid  claim  to  it,  charg¬ 
ing  the  captain  with  theft. 

A  scandal  arose  in  the  church,  and  they  held  a  thorough 
investigation  of  the  pig  case  and  cleared  the  captain.  Not  sat¬ 
isfied,  the  woman  carried  the  case  to  the  superior  court,  with 
similar  result.  The  General  Court  was  then  invoked,  and  seven 
days  were  spent  in  the  trial  without  a  verdict,  neither  side  hav¬ 
ing  received  a  majority  vote  of  the  nine  magistrates  and  thirty 
deputies.  It  was,  however,  later  settled  in  favor  of  Captain 
Robert  Keayne.  The  contention  did  not  cease  until  1644,  and 
then  the  General  Court  was  divided  into  magistrates  and  deputies 
or,  as  later  styled,  senators  and  representatives. 

The  family  supplies  not  produced  in  town  were  brought  in  by 
the  farmers  outside,  who  gladly  exchanged  their  extra  quantity 
for  such  articles  of  West  India  produce  as  they  could  afford. 
The  days  of  itinerant  marketing  were  not  free  from  troubles. 

In  1728  there  were  so  many  dogs  in  Boston  that  the  butchers 
were  greatly  annoyed  by  them,  and  an  order  was  passed  that  no 
person  should  keep  any  dog  in  the  town  above  ten  inches  in 
height. 

A  writer  of  that  time  says:  “Their  beef,  mutton  and  lamb 
are  as  good  as  ever  I  desire  to  eat,  and  as  to  their  veal  it  is  not 
so  white  and  fine,  in  common  as  in  London,  yet  I  have  often 
met  with  it  exceeding  white  as  any  I  would  wish  to  eat.”  (The 
butchers  had  not  then  begun  to  practise  the  habit  of  taking 
away  the  blood  of  calves  by  degrees  and  thus  bleach  the  veal, 


74 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


while  they  robbed  it  of  the  nutritious  juice  which  it  otherwise 
contained  —  a  habit  which  has  now  been  abolished,  and  red  veal 
is  accepted  as  of  superior  quality.) 

“  And  as  to  their  pork,  they  challenge  all  the  world,  and  will 
by  no  means  admit  that  any  we  have  in  England  is  equal  to  it, 
and  indeed  I  do  think  it  very  good.” 

“They  make  but  little  bacon,  and  that,  in  my  opinion,  is  not 
half  so  good  as  ours,  but  they  pickle  their  pork  so  well  that  it 
answers  the  same  end  as  fine  bacon.  Their  poultry,  too,  of  all 
sorts,  are  as  fine  as  can  be  desired,  and  they  have  plenty  of  fine 
fish  of  various  kinds,  all  of  which  are  very  cheap.  Take  the 
butchers’  meat  altogether  in  the  several  seasons  of  the  year  and 
I  believe  it  is  about  two  pence  per  pound  sterling,  though  they 
will  not  allow  it  to  be  near  so  much  if  they  are  asked  about  it, 
because  the  best  beef  and  mutton,  lamb  and  veal  are  often  sold 
for  six  pence  per  pound  of  New  England,  which  is  some  small 
matter  more  than  one  penny  sterling. 

“  Poultry  in  their  season  is  exceedingly  cheap  ;  a  good  turkey 
may  be  bought  for  about  two  shillings  sterling  as  we  can  buy  at 
London  for  six  or  seven,  and  as  large  and  fine  a  goose  for  ten 
pence  as  would  cost  three  shillings  and  six  pence  or  four  shil¬ 
lings  in  London.  Fowl,  too,  are  cheap  in  proportion.  The 
first  young  ones  that  come  to  market  are  sold  for  about  three 
pence  and  a  chicken  for  about  two  pence.  But  the  cheapest  of 
all  the  several  kinds  of  poultry  are  a  sort  of  wild  pigeon  which 
are  in  season  the  latter  end  of  June  and  so  continue  till  Septem¬ 
ber.  They  are  sold  here  for  eighteen  pence  a  dozen.” 

Pigeons  of  late  years  have  been  classed  as  game,  but  as  far  as 
New  England  productions  are  concerned,  they  are  a  luxury  of 
the  past.  Yet  it  is  within  the  memory  of  the  oldest  marketmen 
that  there  was  frequently  an  oversupply  of  this  sort  of  game. 

In  habit  these  birds  were  peculiarly  interesting,  and  in  flavor, 
when  prepared  for  food,  decidedly  luscious.  In  pigeon  season 
flocks  of  them  might  be  seen  going  down  from  the  country  to 


HOW  SUPPLIES  WERE  FURNISHED 


75 


the  seacoast  every  morning  at  daybreak  and  returning  at  early 
nightfall,  moving  over  the  country  very  rapidly.  The  flocks 
were  so  large  and  numerous  that  they  would  obscure  the  sun 
like  a  passing  cloud. 

Various  means  were  employed  to  decoy  and  capture  them, 
and  the  expert  hunter  was  frequently  rewarded  by  as  many  as 
he  could  carry  at  one  catch,  and  he  was  well  paid  at  the  market, 
while  the  town  epicures  were  made  happy  by  the  feasts  in 
pigeon  season. 

There  was  the  wild  goose  season,  and  the  marketmen  counted 
on  this  game  for  an  attraction.  The  geese  never  failed  to  pay 
semiannual  visits  to  this  section  of  New  England.  In  fact,  not 
a  few  of  the  early  settlers  regulated  their  farm  work  by  the 
flight  of  the  geese.  They  were  a  sort  of  weather  bureau. 
Their  squawking  in  the  spring,  while  on  their  journey  north¬ 
ward,  was  unmistakable  evidence  that  the  time  was  at  hand  when 
the  seed  could  be  put  in. 

They  were  not  then  so  often  troubled  by  the  hunter,  for  they 
were  likely  to  be  lean  ;  but  when  retracing  their  course  in  the 
autumn,  giving  due  warning  of  the  approach  of  winter,  they 
were  sleek  and  fat,  and  were  killed  for  the  market,  when  the 
Bostonians  were  fully  gratified. 

The  early  families  who  occupied  the  houses  of  Boston  were 
easily  supplied  with  bear  meat  as  well  as  game  from  the  forests 
near  at  hand. 

As  late  as  1725,  within  two  miles  of  Boston,  twenty  bears  were 
killed  in  one  week  in  the  month  of  September.  Paul  Dudley 
notes  that  on  June  7,  1740,  “a  good  fat  bear  was  killed  on  our 
Meeting  House  Hill  or  near  it.”  This  was  in  Roxbury. 

A  haunch  of  venison  was  to  be  obtained  in  the  market,  and 
by  its  sale  the  farmers  of  the  neighborhood  were  rewarded  for 
the  capture.  But  the  people  began  to  be  alarmed  when  the 
sleek  deer  were  hunted  until  they  no  longer  graced  the  forests 
of  New  England. 


76 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


It  was  then  that  the  town  chose  annually  deer  reeves  to  pro¬ 
tect  the  animals  and  thus  enforce  the  laws  made  to  prevent  the 
extermination  of  deer. 

The  same  reporter  of  the  provision  supply  has  recorded  that 
they  had  fish  in  abundance. 

“  They  sell  a  fine  fresh  cod,  that  will  weigh  a  dozen  pounds 
or  more,  just  taken  out  of  the  sea,  which  are  generally  alive,  for 
about  twopence  sterling.” 

The  cod  was  the  recognized  symbol  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay. 
It  was  represented  on  their  money.  A  stamp  act  of  1756  recog¬ 
nized  it,  and  the  authorities  put  the  rude  representation  over 
their  heads  in  their  legislative  hall. 

The  people  of  Boston  were  well  supplied  with  good  fruit  in 
great  variety  before  the  days  of  displaying  the  luscious  produc¬ 
tions  in  the  market.  Some  of  the  varieties  were  of  natural  pro¬ 
duction,  found  here  when  the  Puritans  began  their  work  on  the 
peninsula.  Of  these  were  grapes,  strawberries,  raspberries, 
huckleberries,  cranberries,  and  cherries.  These  served  to  grat¬ 
ify  the  palate  of  the  early  generations,  and  are  not  at  present 
entirely  disregarded,  although  the  horticulturist  has  improved 
upon  nature’s  offering  until  the  fruit  that  gratified  the  tooth  of 
Governor  Winthrop  is  now  looked  upon  with  contempt. 

Strawberry  Hill  may  perpetuate  by  name  the  fact  of  its  once 
tempting  crop,  but  the  modern  garden  is  preferred  by  those  who 
seek  for  the  tempting  strawberry. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  enterprising  settlers  introduced 
apples,  pears,  and  cherries  of  superior  quality,  and  the  mother 
country  could  not  offer  more  tempting  fruits. 

Before  the  advantage  of  an  established  market  was  enjoyed 
by  buyer  and  seller,  the  products  of  large  orchards  were  offered 
at  the  doors  of  Boston  homes. 

“  At  the  latter  end  of  summer,  which  way  soever  we  travel, 
the  fruits  hang  so  thick  by  the  wayside  that  we  may  gather 
them  from  the  trees  with  almost  as  little  trouble  as  to  take  them 


HOW  SUPPLIES  WERE  FURNISHED 


77 


from  one’s  own  pocket.  There  are  plenty  of  fine  peaches 
which  grow  upon  trees,  and  all  the  natural  growth  of  America. 
Some  of  them  are  so  fine  as  the  best  we  have  in  England,  which 
we  buy  here  for  about  three-pence  a  peck.  The  common  sort 
are  so  little  regarded  that  they  feed  their  hogs  with  them.” 

Besides  the  indigenous  fruits  and  varieties  from  England, 
there  were  others  introduced  by  the  French,  who  brought  many 
choice  varieties  of  fruits  and  flowers  from  their  native  land, 
which  contributed  much  to  the  gratification  of  the  palate  as 
well  as  the  eye. 

The  large  estates  of  the  wealthy  Bostonians  were  not  com¬ 
plete  without  spacious,  well-kept  gardens,  rivalling  in  many 
instances  the  gardens  of  India  in  splendor.  Those  of  the 
Johonnot  family  are  subjects  of  history.  Daniel  Johonnot  be¬ 
queathed  his  beautiful  garden  to  his  son  Andrew  as  a  choice 
legacy,  and  it  was  secured  to  the  third  generation  by  a  family 
provision.  The  gardens  of  Zachariah  Johonnot  were  inherited 
by  his  son  Peter.  It  is  recorded  that  these  were  filled  with 
rare  fruit  trees,  beautiful  flowers  and  shrubs  from  the  “  dear 
fatherland.”  Tradition  says  that  every  tree,  shrub,  and  flower 
came  from  France,  and  that  these  gardens  were  very  extensive. 

Many  were  the  instances  when  the  country  people,  on  their 
marketing  tours  from  house  to  house,  secured  scions  and 
seeds  from  these  gardens  and  thus  spread  the  choice  varieties 
through  the  country  towns.  Apple  and  pear  trees  remained 
for  many  years  in  some  localities  of  Boston. 

Children’s  children  were  wont  to  gather  the  little  cinnamon 
roses  that  seemed  determined  to  defy  the  ravages  of  time  and 
neglect.  The  great  yellow  marigold  and  sunflower  were  con¬ 
spicuous  in  the  gardens  of  Boston,  while  the  trumpet  vines 
climbed  over  neatly  made  trellises.  The  hollyhock  was  one  of 
the  prides  of  the  day,  but  soon  resented  neglect,  and  gave  up 
the  attempt ;  but  the  purple  lilac  was  never  discouraged,  and 
in  many  a  barren  country  pasture  asserts  its  right  to  life  on 


78 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


each  returning  spring,  and  alone,  or  perhaps  with  some  prickly 
pear,  gives  the  only  hint  to  the  site  of  the  residence  of  a  once 
flourishing  farm-house. 

How  gratifying  to  the  early  gardeners  and  marketmen  it 
would  be  to  see  their  stray  stalks  of  asparagus  propagated  and 
improved  until  this  delicacy,  used  only  by  the  wealthy,  has  be¬ 
come  a  common  article  of  food  for  sale  in  our  market.  Instead 
of  there  being  only  a  few  sprays  to  spare  to  be  put  in  the 
fireplace  during  the  months  of  summer,  there  are  now  great 
fields  of  its  feathery  branches  waving  in  the  summer  breezes. 

When  the  supplies  for  the  Boston  tables  came  from  the  gar¬ 
dens  of  the  town,  there  was  a  department  for  the  culture  of 
roots  and  herbs  and  medicinal  sweet  mint,  so  much  prized  in 
the  old  families. 

The  lavender,  too,  was  freely  cultivated,  and  each  housewife 
failed  not  to  lay  in  a  liberal  stock  of  it,  in  order  that  her  best 
bed  might  be  perfumed  with  the  pleasant  odor. 

Ann  Jane  Boyden’s  flower  garden  on  Tremont  Street,  with  its 
tangle  of  brilliant,  old-fashioned  flowers,  is  within  the  memory 
of  many  citizens  of  Boston  to-day,  who  have  not  forgotten  the 
time  when  itinerant  marketing  was  popular  in  the  town. 


CHAPTER  IX 


Peter  Faneuil’s  Bold  Effort  to  have  a  Local  Market.  Leading  Men  peti¬ 
tion  to  be  heard  on  the  Subject.  Warrant  for  Town  Meeting  to  act  on  Peter 
Faneuil’s  Offer  to  give  a  Market.  Scenes  of  Excitement  on  Boston  Streets 
and  in  Public  Houses.  Faneuil  Hall  an  Afterthought.  Peter  Faneuil’s  Gift 
secured  by  a  Majority  of  Seven  Votes.  Committee  meet  to  stake  out  the 
Ground.  John  Smibert  the  Architect.  Samuel  Ruggles  the  Builder.  Mar¬ 
ket  Sentiment  changes.  House  cheerfully  accepted.  Hall  over  the  Market 
named.  To  be  called  Faneuil  Hall  forever.  Resolutions  of  Thanks  to  Peter 
Faneuil.  The  Donor’s  Picture  procured.  Faneuil  Arms  bought  for  the 
Hall.  First  Public  Meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Joshua  Blanchard  a  Famous 
Brick  Mason.  Peter  Faneuil  goes  to  Market  for  Family  Supplies.  Other 
Public  Buildings  of  Note. 

ETER  FANEUIE’S  experience  as  master  of  a  house 


T  led  him  to  realize  the  disadvantage  under  which  trade 
was  conducted  with  no  market  house- as  a  centre  of  exchange, 
“  and  people  forced  to  go  out  upon  the  neck  and  spend  a 
great  part  of  the  day  in  providing  necessaries  for  their  fami¬ 
lies,  to  the  great  hinderance  of  business  and  loss  and  damage 
of  the  town.”  He  would  much  rather  go  to  a  market  to  give 
orders  for  family  supplies,  than  spend  time  going  out  to  the 
Neck  or  have  his  household  continually  disturbed  by  the  coun¬ 
trymen,  who  came,  when  allowed,  on  horseback  to  the  door, 
with  saddle-bags  filled  with  the  products  of  their  farms.  It 
was  this  general  condition  of  business  management,  in  the 
domestic  line,  that  prompted  him  to  make  a  venture  regardless 
of  the  known  opposition  still  existing  against  a  public  market. 
He  had  seen  in  the  opposition  thus  far  manifested  the  most 
stubborn  selfishness.  Yet  he  did  not  hesitate  to  submit  the 
subject  to  another  test. 


79 


8o 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


He  communicated  his  ideas  on  the  subject  to  his  associates, 
perhaps  when  sipping  at  the  wine  around  the  Laneuil  hearth¬ 
stone. 

The  project  met  with  favor  there,  but  the  opponents  to  a 
market-place  were  quick  to  start  up  in  their  full  strength. 
They  evidently  thought  they  detected  a  wheel  within  the  wheel 
claimed  to  be  revolving  for  the  good  of  the  town. 

But  the  quiet  movement  met  with  so  great  favor  that  a  peti¬ 
tion  was  sent  to  the  selectmen  bearing  the  names  of  three  hun¬ 
dred  and  forty  prominent  people,  among  whom  were  Harrison 
Gray  and  others  of  equal  standing.  The  petition  set  forth  that 
Peter  Laneuil,  Esq.,  “  hath  been  generously  pleased  to  offer  at 
his  own  cost  and  charge  to  erect  and  build  a  noble  and  complete 
structure  or  edifice  to  be  improved  for  a  market,  for  the  sole  use, 
benefit  and  advantage  of  the  town,  provided  that  the  town  of 
Boston  would  pass  a  vote  for  that  purpose,  and  lay  the  same 
under  such  proper  regulations  as  shall  be  thought  necessary,  and 
constantly  support  it  for  the  said  use.” 

The  warrant  calling  the  town  meeting  was  posted  at  the  town 
house,  and  no  similar  document  summoning  the  voters  of  the 
town  of  Boston  created  a  greater  excitement.  There  was  a 
rallying  of  forces  on  both  sides,  and  at  all  hours  of  the  day 
might  be  seen  groups  of  the  voters  reading  and  discussing  the 
all-absorbing  topic  of  a  market  house,  a  gift  from  Peter  Fan- 
euil.  “  Don’t  want  it,  won’t  have  it,”  and  kindred  sentiments 
might  have  been  heard  from  the  poor  itinerant  pedler  as  he 
read  and  went  his  way  with  his  produce  slung  over  his  back. 

“  Warrant  for  the  Town  Meeting 
“  Suffolk  S.S. 

“To  the  Constables  of  the  Town  of  Boston: 

“  Greeting  — In  the  name  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachu¬ 
setts  Bay  —  You  are  hereby  directed  to  notify  and  warn  all  the 


WARRANT  FOR  THE  TOWN  MEETING 


freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  duly 
qualified  as  the  law  directs,  to  convene  at  the  Town  house 
on  Monday  the  14th  day  of  July  current  at  9  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  then  and  there  to  transact  the  following  business  — 
Art  I. — To  choose  a  Moderator  to  Preside  at  s'!  meeting. — 

“Art.  II.  To  consider  the  Petition  of  Sundry  of  the  Inhabit¬ 
ants  that  the  Town  do  give  leave  for  the  Erecting  a  Market  House 
on  Dock  Square  for  the  Town’s  use  &  Service  at  the  Cost 
and  Charge  of  Peter  Faneuil  Esqr.  (who  as  is  represented  in 
si!  Petition  has  generously  offered  to  erect  the  same)  and  that 
the  By-Eaw,  establishing  a  Market  so  far  as  it  Respects  Buying 
Provisions  out  of  the  Market,  may  be  repealed,  that  so  all 
Persons  may  be  at  Liberty  at  all  times  to  Buy  in  any  Part  of  the 
Town,  and  also  to  do  what  may  be  thought  proper  to  be  done 
thereon.” 

“  And  you  are  directed  to  serve  this  Warrant  by  Posting  an 
attested  copy  of  the  same  at  the  Town  House  Eight  days 
at  least  before  the  time  of  holding  si!  Meeting.  Hereof  fail 
not — ,  and  make  due  return  of  this  Warrant  with  your  doings 
thereon  to  the  Clerk  of  si!  Town  at  or  before  the  time  of  Hold¬ 
ing  si!  Meeting  — 

“Given  under  our  hands  this  4th  day  of  July  in  the  Year 
One  Thousand  Seven  Hundred  and  P'orty. 

“  John  Jeffries  JoNer  Armitage 

“  David  Collson  Alex11'1  Forsyth 

“Caleb  Lyman  Thomas  Hutchinson 

“Jonas  Clark.” 

“  Good  thing !  hurrah  for  neighbor  Peter  !  ”  were  the  words 
uttered  by  the  aristocratic  gentlemen  as  they  read  and  passed 
down  King  Street,  wagging  their  cocked  hats  and  well-braided 
queues,  and  in  a  gesture  of  anticipated  satisfaction  they 
wrapped  their  scarlet  broadcloth  cloaks  about  their  bodies,  while 
at  each  proud  step  their  silver  shoe-buckles  glistened  in  the  sun. 


82 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


All  the  voters  were  on  hand  on  the  morning  of  July  14,  1740. 
The  town  house  was  too  small  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
great  company,  who  were  anxious  to  exercise  their  right  of  fran¬ 
chise  on  that  occasion. 

They  were  obliged  to  adjourn  to  the  Brattle  Street  Meeting 
House,  being  granted  the  privilege  upon  the  agreement  that 
“whatsoever  damage  may  happen  to  be  done  to  the  pews  or 
seats  by  means  thereof,  be  repaired  at  the  charge  of  the  town.” 
This  need  of  room  was  a  most  convincing  argument  in  favor  of 
a  larger  hall,  which  may  have  prompted  Peter  Faneuil  to  add 
to  his  first  suggestion  ;  but  up  to  this  time  he  had  made  no 
proposition  to  give  anything  beyond  a  market. 

The  morning  session  was  characterized  by  great  intensity  of 
feeling  on  the  part  of  the  voters,  and  resulted  only  in  passing  a 
vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Faneuil,  hut  after  intermission  the  ques¬ 
tion  was  put  to  a  vote  after  a  heated  discussion  as  to  how  the 
vote  should  be  taken. 

It  was  at  length  decided  that  it  should  be  by  words  —  yea  or 
nay. 

Illegal  voting  seems  to  be  of  no  recent  origin  in  this  locality, 
for  to  prevent  it  on  this  important  occasion  a  strenuous  effort 
was  made  to  have  each  voter  place  his  name  on  the  back  of 
his  written  ballot,  but  this  failed;  yet  a  vigilant  watch  was  kept 
over  the  ballot-box,  as  stuffing  was  generally  predicted. 

There  were  727  ballots  cast.  The  yeas  had  it  by  a  majority 
of  only  seven  votes.  No  doubt  this  generous  offer  from  Peter 
Faneuil  would  have  been  refused  had  not  the  following  concili¬ 
atory  clause  been  added  to  the  proposal  upon  which  they  were 
voting,  “  and  we  the  said  subscribers  would  humbly  propose 
that,  notwithstanding  the  said  building  should  be  encouraged 
and  come  to  effect,  yet  that  the  market  people  should  be  at 
liberty  to  carry  their  marketing  wheresoever  they  please  about 
the  town  to  dispose  of  it.” 

Mr.  Faneuil  was  prepared  for  this  strong  opposition  and  was 


JOHN  SMIBERT  THE  ARCHITECT 


83 


not  discouraged  by  the  close  contest  at  the  polls.  Threats  of 
reconsiderations  and  kindred  movements  were  made.  These  are 
yet  known  where  local  government  still  continues  the  town  meet¬ 
ing.  But  the  committee  entered  upon  their  work  with  a  deter¬ 
mination  that  presaged  success,  and  in  the  selectmen’s  records 
under  date  of  September  2,  1740,  we  read  that  those  officials 
held  a  meeting.  There  were  present  Hon.  John  Jeffries, 
Caleb  Lyman,  Mr.  Clark,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  and  Mr.  Cook. 
At  this  sitting  a  plan  was  presented  by  Joshua  Blanchard  in 
behalf  of  Peter  Faneuil  “  for  a  house  for  a  market  to  be  built  in 
Dock  Square  (agreeable  to  his  proposal  to  the  town  at  their 
meeting  on  Monday,  the  14th  of  July,  last,  and  their  votes 
thereon),  desiring  the  selectmen  would  lay  out  the  ground  in 
order  to  begin  the  foundation.” 

“  The  selectmen  accordingly  met,  went  on  the  place  in  order 
to  view  the  same,  marked  and  staked  out  a  piece  of  ground  for 
that  use,  measuring  in  length  from  the  lower  westerly  end, 
pointing  the  warehouse,  in  Merchants  row,  100  feet,  and  in 
breadth  40  feet,  which  leaves  a  passage  way  of  30  feet  wide 
between  the  town’s  shops  and  the  market  house  to  be  built.” 

The  site  included  that  on  which  the  Centre  Market  had  stood 
before  the  mob  made  way  with  it,  and  it  was  the  town’s  land. 
Up  to  this  time  there  had  been  no  thought  of  a  hall  on  the  part 
of  the  public,  but  it  soon  began  to  be  rumored  that  Peter  Fan¬ 
euil  was  disposed  to  do  more  for  the  town  than  he  had  pro¬ 
posed,  and  when  the  architect,  John  Smibert,  presented  the 
plan,  it  called  for  a  room  over  that  planned  for  the  market. 
About  two  years  were  required  for  the  work.  As  the  people 
watched  the  brick  walls  rise  from  their  solid  foundations,  specu¬ 
lation  was  rife,  evil  motives  were  imagined,  and  many  denounced 
the  act  of  building  such  a  structure  on  the  town’s  land  ;  but  as 
the  house  neared  completion,  the  sentiment  changed,  so  that 
there  was  a  greater  unanimity,  or  silence  on  the  part  of  the 
opponents. 


84 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


In  August,  1742,  the  selectmen  were  informed  by  Peter 
Faneuil  that  the  market  was  now  finished  (“  except  some  small 
trifles  which  should  be  done”).  He  wished  them  to  take  the 
necessary  steps  for  having  it  opened  and  improved  under  such 
regulations  as  they  should  think  wise  to  adopt. 

These  officials  were  inclined  to  show  deference  to  the  donor, 
who  said  that  he  left  the  whole  affair  to  the  selectmen,  but  if 
they  inclined  to  see  him  on  the  affair,  he  (“being  now  very 
busy”)  would  in  a  few  days  let  them  know  when  he  was  at 
leisure. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  selectmen  held  on  September  10,  1742, 
Mr.  Samuel  Ruggles,  who  had  been  employed  by  Mr.  Faneuil 
in  building  the  house,  represented  the  donor,  and  delivered  the 
keys  in  Faneuil’ s  name. 

Three  days  later  a  meeting  of  the  voters  was  held  at  the  town 
house,  to  see  if  the  building  should  be  accepted.  There  had 
been  a  decided  change  in  the  feelings  of  the  people,  and  they 
unanimously  voted  “  to  accept  this  most  generous  and  noble 
benefaction  for  the  use  and  intention  they  are  designed  for.” 
They  also  appointed  a  committee  “to  wait  upon  Peter  Faneuil, 
Esq.,  and  in  the  name  of  the  town  to  render  him  their  most 
hearty  thanks  for  so  bountiful  a  gift,  with  their  prayers  that 
this  and  other  expressions  of  his  bounty  and  charity  may  be 
abundantly  recompensed  with  the  divine  blessing.” 

The  most  wealthy  and  honored  citizens  were  selected  for  this 
committee.  It  consisted  of  the  moderator,  Hon.  Thomas  Cush¬ 
ing ;  the  selectmen,  Hon.  Adams  Winthrop,  Edward  Hutchin¬ 
son,  Ezekiel  Lewis,  Samuel  Waldo,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Hon. 
Jacob  Wendall,  James  Bowdoin,  Andrew  Oliver,  Captain 
Nathaniel  Cunningham,  Peter  Chardon,  and  Charles  Apthorp  ; 
the  representatives  to  the  General  Court  and  six  other  gentle¬ 
men. 

The  question  of  naming  the  public  building  was  approached 
with  some  trepidation.  It  was  a  custom  of  the  time  for  leading 


THE  DONOR’S  PICTURE  PROCURED 


85 


men,  or  the  owners  of  important  buildings,  to  have  their  initials 
put  on  a  corner-stone  or  in  some  equally  prominent  place. 
When  the  town  house  was  erected  in  1712,  Samuel  Sewall  had 
his  initials,  “  S.  S.,”  cut  in  the  stone  at  the  southeast  corner,  and 
the  same  are  seen  on  the  northwest  corner  of  the  Old  South 
Meeting  House. 

“  J.  B.,”  seen  on  the  northeast  corner  of  the  same  building, 
has  recently  been  decided  to  be  in  memory  of  Joshua  Blanchard, 
the  mason.  In  the  ironwork  of  the  balcony  of  the  old  Prov¬ 
ince  House,  built  by  Peter  Sargeant,  appeared  “  16,  P.  S.,  79.” 

But  not  a  hint  do  we  have  of  anything  of  the  kind  in  honor 
of  the  greatest  benefactor  of  Boston  at  that  time.  The  name 
given  to  the  building  seems  to  have  come  from  a  source  entirely 
outside  of  the  mind  of  the  donor.  Many  a  person  has  offered 
to  erect  structures  for  the  public  good  on  condition  that  they 
be  allowed  the  privilege  of  giving  them  a  name.  There  is  not 
a  hint  or  suggestion  of  any  such  request  on  the  part  of  Peter 
Faneuil. 

But  the  records  show  that  it  was  further  voted,  on  motion  of 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  later  royal  governor,  “that  in  testimony 
of  the  town's  gratitude  to  the  said  Peter  Faneuil  Esq.,  and  to 
perpetuate  his  memory,  the  hall  over  the  market  place  be 
named  Faneuil  hall,  and  at  all  times  hereafter  be  called  and 
known  by  that  name.” 

This  motion  prevailed,  and  resolutions  embodying  the  facts 
of  the  gift  and  its  acceptance  were  passed  and  a  copy  of  them 
sent  to  Peter  Faneuil,  and  were  also  placed  upon  the  town 
records. 

In  response  to  this  courtesy  Mr.  F'aneuil  said  :  “  I  hope  what 
I  have  done  will  be  for  the  service  of  the  whole  country.” 
H  ow  like  the  inspired  words  of  a  prophet  this  utterance 
appears  to-day  ! 

As  further  evidence  of  the  good  feeling  of  the  town  at  this 
time,  it  was  voted  “that  Mr.  P'aneuil’s  picture  be  drawn  at  full 


86 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


length,  at  the  expense  of  the  town,  and  placed  in  the  hall,”  and 
the  selectmen  were  charged  with  the  commission,  which  was  ac¬ 
cordingly  executed.  The  Faneuil  coat  of  arms,  so  much  prized 
by  the  merchant,  was  carved  and  gilded  by  Moses  Deshon,  and 
bought  by  the  town  for  £ 40  old  tenor  and  placed  in  the  hall. 

When  the  meeting  of  September  13  adjourned,  it  was  to  meet 
on  the  following  Friday  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Agreeable  to  that 
adjournment  the  voters  assembled  on  September  16,  1742,  for  the 
first  time  in  that  hall,  which  with  many  alterations  and  enlarge¬ 
ments  has  become  sacred  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  The  town 
■officials  entered  at  once  upon  the  use  of  the  rooms  in  the  hall 
prepared  for  them  ;  books  and  papers  were  removed  from  the 
old  and  inadequate  rooms  to  the  more  spacious  and  convenient 
apartment,  and  on  October  13,  1742,  the  selectmen  held  their 
first  business  meeting  under  the  new  roof.  They  began  imme¬ 
diately  to  provide  the  needful  furnishings,  and  a  vote  is  recorded 
of  the  selection  of  one  of  their  number  to  purchase  “  two  pairs 
of  brass  candlesticks  with  steel  snuffers,  and  a  poker  for  the 
town’s  use.” 

The  house  given  by  Peter  Faneuil  to  the  town  of  Boston  was 
regarded  as  the  greatest  munificence  the  town  had  received.  It 
was  built  of  brick,1  two  stories  high,  and  in  comparison  with 
other  buildings  in  the  vicinity  of  Dock  Square  presented  a 
commanding  appearance. 


1  It  has  been  urged  that  the  bricks  used  in  the  construction  of  Faneuil  Hall  were 
imported,  but  this  does  not  seem  reasonable  when  brick-making  was  an  industry  of 
Boston  and  vicinity  at  that  time  and  had  been  for  many  years.  A  brick  kiln  was 
started  in  Salem  in  1629.  Medford  and  Danvers  were  early  engaged  in  the  industry, 
and  Boston  had  its  brick  kilns.  The  towns  annually  chose  an  officer  called  “sealer 
of  molds  for  bricks.”  The  General  Court,  long  before  the  building  of  Faneuil 
Hall,  passed  an  act  prohibiting  the  erection  of  buildings  above  a  limited  size  of 
other  material  than  brick  or  stone.  This  we  cannot  believe  would  have  been  done  if 
the  people  were  thereby  to  be  forced  to  import  building  material.  It  should  also  be 
remembered  that  bricks  used  in  the  walls  of  the  fortress  of  Louisburg  were  from  this 
vicinity.  The  original  contract  for  them  has  lately  come  to  notice  in  a  file  of  papers 
at  the  library  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society  at  Boston. 


JOSHUA  BLANCHARD 


37 


John  Smibert,  the  celebrated  Scotch  artist,  was  the  architect. 
He  came  to  Boston  with  Bishop  Bulkley  about  1730,  and  mar¬ 
ried  Mary  Williams,  and  was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Faneuil 
family.  A  question  often  asked  is  who  built  those  brick  walls 
that  withstood  the  earthquake’s  shock  when  the  grasshopper 
left  his  lofty  perch  and  came  tumbling  to  the  ground  ;  those 
walls  that  stood  firm  and  erect  on  their  foundation  when  the 
angry  flames  roared  and  crackled  about  them. 

In  the  absence  of  direct  evidence  we  must  take  that  which  is 
circumstantial,  but  convincing.  The  man  who  appeared  before 
the  committee  to  lay  out  the  ground,  as  a  representative  of 
Peter  Faneuil,  was  Joshua  Blanchard,  a  well-established  brick 
mason  of  the  time  and  a  co-worker  with  Mr.  Faneuil.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  his  own  journal  he  built  the  brick  walls  of  the  Old  South 
Meeting  House  in  1729,  and  Boston  town  records  show  him  to 
have  been  frequently  in  public  service  in  his  line  of  business, 
and  we  may  well  conclude  that  those  brick  walls  are  a  monu¬ 
ment  to  the  memory  of  one  of  Boston’s  early  citizens  —  Joshua 
Blanchard.  They  are  more  enduring  than  the  tombstone  in  a 
corner  of  Granary  Burying  Ground,  on  which  may  still  be  read, 
“Tomb  No.  73.  Joshua  Blanchard,  a  Mason.’’  Samuel  Ruggles 
is  recognized  as  the  carpenter  who  had  charge  of  the  woodwork. 

Although  the  market  was  Mr.  Faneuil’s  first  and  chief  con¬ 
sideration,  and  the  hall  an  afterthought,  it  is  the  latter  that  has 
become  the  more  famous  ;  but  they  are  one  and  inseparable  as 
far  as  the  memory  of  Boston’s  benefactor  is  concerned. 

While  the  town  officials  were  getting  located  in  their  apart¬ 
ments  in  the  hall,  the  friends  of  market  centralization  were  turn¬ 
ing  their  attention  to  the  new  market-house,  which  they  most 
gladly  recognized  as  a  timely  benefaction,  and  they  were  not 
slow  in  exulting  over  the  opponents  to  the  scheme. 

With  what  satisfaction  the  portly  Peter  must  have  taken 
a  morning’s  orders  from  sister  Mary  Anne  as  he  left  his  luxu¬ 
rious  residence  and  paced  down  Tremont,  through  Queen 


88 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Street,  over  to  the  market,  and  having  secured  his  provisions, 
sent  the  “  straight  negro  lad  ”  back  with  the  best  haunch  of 
venison. 

Lrom  an  old  journal  of  the  time  we  have  the  following:  — 
“  Laneuil  Hall  is  arched  on  both  sides,  being  two  stories  high, 
the  upper  part  sashed,1  which  comprehends  several  of  the  public 
offices  of  Town  ;  at  the  Southermost  end  is  the  Naval  Office. 
The  middle  the  surveyors  and  the  Markets  Office.” 

Among  the  buildings  of  importance  in  the  vicinity  of  Laneuil 
Hall,  at  the  time  of  its  erection,  was  the  town  house,  at  the 
head  of  King  Street,  and  below  it,  a  range  of  famous  taverns  not 
unfamiliar  to  the  proud  step  of  the  princely  merchant.  The 
Golden  Lleece,  Admiral  Vernon,  American  Coffeehouse,  and 
British  Coffeehouse;  Joseph  Belknap’s  in  Ann  Street  at  the 
sign  of  the  Buck  and  Breeches ;  also  the  Bunch  of  Grapes  kept 
by  William  Coffin. 

The  Old  Leather  Store  was  also  familiar  to  Peter  Laneuil ; 
and  his  warehouse  on  King  Street  near  Merchants  Row  was  a 
place  of  meeting  for  all  in  friendly  relation  with  the  generous 
leader  of  society. 

But  all,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  noticed,  the  old  State 
House,  have  passed  away.  Yet  Laneuil  Hall  stands  and  will 
remain  as  long  as  the  power  of  patriotic  citizens  can  retain  it. 
The  force  of  sentiment  is  seen  in  its  preservation  ;  and  many 
generations,  yet  unborn,  will  early  learn  to  cherish  this  New 
England  forum. 

Much  of  the  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Laneuil  Hall  did  not  exist 
when  that  famous  merchant  conducted  business  in  King  Street, 
and  Peter  Laneuil  was  wont  to  hear  from  his  associates  that 
before  the  Huguenots  came  to  Boston,  the  tide-water  came  up 
into  the  town  dock  where  the  Central  Market  stood  for  a  while, 
and  where  subsequently  he  erected  Laneuil  Hall. 

1  The  glass  used  in  the  windows  of  Faneuil  Hall  was  imported  by  Peter  Faneuil 
in  one  of  his  own  ships. 


Faneuil  Hall  and  the  Old  Feather  Store 


CHAPTER  X 


Faneuil  Hall  a  Timely  Gift.  Concerts  in  Faneuil  Hall  in  1747.  ’Lection 
Day  Feasts.  Early  Days  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market.  First  Lease  of  a  Stali. 
Market  becomes  Unpopular.  Early  Stallkeepers.  Faneuil  Hall  Market 
destroyed  by  Fire  in  1761.  Newspaper  Reports.  Rebuilt  by  Means  of  a 
Lottery.  Onesiphorus  Tileston  Contractor  to  rebuild  the  House.  Scenes 
previous  to  opening  of  Revolution. 

“A  place  consecrated  by  the  patriotic  service  of  our  chiefest  statesmen,  and 
endeared  by  recollections  of  talents  and  virtues,  which  have  identified  the 
name  of  this  city  with  the  earliest,  the  purest,  and  the  most  imperishable 
honors  of  our  revolution.”  —  Mayor  Josiah  Quincy’s  Inaugural  Address  of 
1827. 


HAT  Faneuil  Hall  was  a  timely  gift  is  evident  from  the 


demands  made  by  the  people  for  the  use  of  it  for  occa¬ 
sional  meetings,  in  addition  to  the  regular  use  to  which  it  was 
immediately  devoted.  On  October  10,  1744,  Mr.  William  Sheaf 
and  other  gentlemen  applied  to  the  selectmen  for  the  hall,  in 
which  to  “  hold  a  celebration  with  a  concert  of  music  in  honor 
of  the  King’s  Coronation  Day.”  The  judges  of  the  Superior 
Court  were  granted  its  use,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  trial 
of  certain  notable  prisoners. 

In  May,  1747,  Thomas  Hancock  applied  in  the  name  of  the 
governor  for  the  use  of  the  hall,  one  evening  in  each  week, 
for  a  concert  of  music.  His  request  was  granted  by  the 
selectmen,  and  we  may  well  imagine  that  a  more  brilliantly 
attired  company  of  people  never  assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall  than 
those  who  attended  the  series  of  concerts  provided  through 
the  munificence  of  that  noble  man  of  provincial  days. 


90 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


The  king’s  governor,  with  the  council,  dined  in  the  hall  on 
the  first  “  Election  Day,”  thus  beginning  the  long  list  of  notable 
feasts  spread  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

The  opening  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market  did  not  by  any  means  put 
a  stop  to  itinerant  marketing.  There  were  many  who,  con¬ 
vinced  against  their  will,  were  of  the  same  opinion  still,  and, 
encouraged  by  that  clause  of  the  adopted  resolution  which 
granted  the  privilege  of  house-to-house  marketing,  they  went 
where  they  pleased,  to  trade  with  renewed  Confidence.  Pro¬ 
visions  were  brought  in  carts  and  on  the  backs  of  horses  to  the 
doors  of  the  residences,  and  the  opinion  was  strongly  held  that 
the  tendency  of  a  local  market  was  to  encourage  forestalling 
and  raise  the  price  of  provisions. 

But  while  this  element  was  active  in  the  town,  the  friends  of 
the  market  were  experimenting  and  doing  their  best  to  over¬ 
come  their  opponents  and  promote  the  interest  of  Faneuil  Hall 
Market. 

Mr.  Thomas  Jackson,  the  clerk  selected  by  Peter  Faneuil  and 
approved  by  the  town,  early  brought  forward  Joseph  Gray  as 
one  whom  he  could  recommend  to  sweep  the  market  house. 
He  was  employed  in  that  position  for  the  sum  of  £\o  for  the 
remainder  of  the  year. 

The  first  record  of  letting  a  stall  was  in  December,  1 742, 
when  Anthony  Hodgson  was  granted  liberty  for  one  month  to 
use  a  stall,  No.  8,  to  sell  butter,  cheese,  and  flour  three  days  in 
a  week,  on  condition  that  he  would  sell  to  the  inhabitants  as 
reasonably  as  they  could  buy  at  wholesale.  For  this  privi¬ 
lege  Hodgson  agreed  to  pay  20  shillings  —  “old  tenor”  —  per 
month. 

This  pioneer  of  the  F'aneuil  Hall  stallkeepers  made  a  specialty 
of  “  Irish  butter,”  which  he  imported  direct  from  the  Emerald 
Isle,  in  opposition  to  that  of  domestic  manufacture,  brought  in 
by  the  countrymen,  fresh  from  the  dairy,  and  sold  from  their 
saddle-bags  at  the  door  direct  to  the  consumers.  Cheshire 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  FANEUIL  HALL  MARKET  91 

cheese  was  also  urged  as  preferable  to  that  of  the  home  manu¬ 
facture,  but  all  this  tended  to  increase  rather  than  lessen  the 
opposition  to  the  market. 

It  was  difficult  to  bring  buyer  and  seller  to  submission  to 
judicious  rule,  and  the  clerk  was  soon  clothed  with  full  power 
and  authority  in  his  charge. 

“  To  see  that  the  rules  are  obeyed  ”  was  his  order  from  the 
selectmen,  who  had  very  early  learned  that  there  were  good 
citizens  who  had  an  inclination  to  trifle  with  authority. 

It  was  ordered  that  every  day  should  be  a  market-day  except 
Sunday  and  the  days  when  religious  services  were  to  be  held. 
The  market  opened  at  sunrise,  when  the  bell  was  rung,  and  for 
a  time  was  kept  open  until  one  o’clock. 

Human  nature  in  “the  good  old  days”  of  provincial  Boston 
was  not  altogether  perfect,  and  the  town  was  forced  to  pass  a 
vote  that  “No  unwholesome  stail  or  Blown  meat  or  Leparous 
swine  shall  be  sold  or  exposed  to  sale  in  the  market  under 
penalty  of  ten  shillings.” 

Good  weight  and  measure  were  enjoined,  and  in  order  to  be 
sure  of  it,  no  steelyards  could  be  used.  It  was  ordered  that 
“  Everything  must  be  kept  clean  and  the  doors  and  windows  be 
shut  at  sunset.”  In  all  these  matters  the  clerk  was  to  be  the 
judge. 

In  order  to  conciliate  the  opponents  to  the  market,  the  select¬ 
men  early  put  upon  record:  “The  principal  interest  of  said 
market  is  to  encourage  and  accommodate  the  country  people,  who 
bring  provisions  into  the  town  for  the  more  plentiful  supply  of 
the  inhabitants,  at  the  first  hand  for  the  same.  No  butchers  or 
others  who  buy  within  this  town,  to  sell  again,  shall  bring  into 
the  market-house  or  expose  for  sale  any  goods  there.” 

The  crude  ideas  of  a  market  of  that  time  may  be  inferred 
from  a  vote  of  1745.  “All  small  meat,  before  brought  in,  must 
have  the  feet  cut  off,  and  quartered  and  cleaned  from  brains.” 

John  Staniford,  the  clerk,  asked  for  a  fire-room  in  the  market, 


9  2 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


knowing  that  the  town  officials  had  one  in  the  hall  above,  where 
they  were  allowed  a  grate  and  a  poker,  but  this  was  denied  the 
market  official. 

It  was  on  November  1 6,  1743,  that  a  second  man,  Isaac  Win¬ 
chester,  ventured  to  take  a  stall,  subject  to  the  restrictions,  and 
thereby  run  counter  to  the  wishes  of  his  neighbors  and  many 

of  his  best  friends.  His  stall 
was  numbered  22,  and  he  was 
to  pay  20  shillings  a  month. 

Even  this  rental  seemed  ex¬ 
orbitant  to  those  who  were  in 
the  habit  of  marketing  how, 
when,  and  where  they  pleased, 
and  Winchester  was  severely 
denounced.  Whether  some 
provincial  boycott  was  put  in 
force  the  records  fail  to  ex¬ 
plain,  but  it  appears  that  Win¬ 
chester  was  soon  superseded 
by  Caleb  Dana. 

The  beef  dealers  were  soon 
in  trouble,  and  in  August,  1 745, 
when  Samuel  Adams  was  one 
of  the  board  of  selectmen,  it 
was  voted  that  no  person  be  allowed  to  use  a  stall  to  sell  beef 
till  further  orders  of  the  selectmen.  Up  to  this  time,  when  the 
stern  and  inflexible  Samuel  Adams  put  his  hand  to  the  reins, 
there  had  been  but  little  system  for  granting  privileges  within 
the  market;  but  at  length,  as  he  saw  the  necessity  of  introduc¬ 
ing  uniform  rules,  he  bent  his  energies  in  that  direction  and  a 
form  of  lease  was  adopted,  which  may  well  be  recognized  as 
the  Samuel  Adams  lease.  Each  man,  before  he  set  up  his 
block  and  bench,  was  compelled  to  sign  the  lease  as  it  was 
prepared. 


Samuel  Adams 


FIRST  LEASE  OF  A  STALL 


93 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  LEASE:  THE  FIRST  SIGNED  BY  A  ST  ALLKEEPER 


Boston  October  2n.d  1745. 

This  writing  witnessetlo  that  I  the  Subscriber  have  hired  of 
Samuel  Adams  Sr  Jonas  Clark  Esqrs.  Thomas  Hancock,  Middlock 
Cooke,  John  Steele,  William  Salter  Sr  Henry  Atkins  Gents.— 
Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston  Two  Stalls  in  Faneuil  Hall 
Market  being  N°.  for  the  Term 

of  One  year  from  the  date  hereof,  and  have  and  do  hereby  agree 
to  pay  as  rent  for  the  same  to  Joseph  Wadsworth  Esq’'  Treasurer 
of  said  Town  or  his  Successors  in  that  o  ffice  to  and  for  the  use 
of  said  Town  the  Sum  of  Ten  Shillings  in  bills  of  the  last  Tenor 
for  Each  Sr  Every  month  during  said  Term,  as  the  same  shall 
become  due,  and  that  I  will  not  Lett  or  Lease  said  Stalls  to  any 
other  person  during  said  Term  without  the  Consent  of  the 
Selectmen  or  their  Successors,  hereby  obliging  my  Self  to  Con¬ 
form  to  such  Elites  Sr  Orders  as  they  shall  make  relating  to  said 
Stalls  during  that  time  at  the  Expiration  whereof  /  promise 
peaceably  to  deliver  up  the  same.  Witness  my  hand  the  day  and 
year  abve  written. 

Eben  Gore 

Witness. 

Eyek  Goldthwaite. 


Stalls  were  leased  under  the  above  form  to  Edward  Dow, 
Jonathan  Fessenden,  Samuel  Phipps,  Caleb  Dana,  Nath1  Whit¬ 
ing,  Moses  Davis,  William  Waitt,  James  Jarvis.  Even  the 
efforts  of  these  marketmen  failed  to  establish  the  reputation 
of  the  enterprise,  and  the  verdict  of  the  public  was  to  close 
Faneuil  Flail  Market  in  September,  1747.  The  next  spring  it 
was  opened  again,  when  a  vote  was  passed  to  adopt  a  set  of 
regulations  in  the  way  of  experiment.  The  selectmen  were  to 
agree  with  town  butchers  for  one  year  to  purchase  cattle  for  the 
supply  of  the  market,  the  cattle  to  be  slaughtered  and  the  beef 


94 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


disposed  of  at  a  certain  per  cent  for  doing  the  business,  the 
butchers  being  really  agents. 

The  tanners  in  the  town  were  to  have  the  preference  in  pur¬ 
chasing  the  hides  at  reasonable  prices,  and  they,  in  turn,  to  sell 
the  leather  on  similar  conditions. 

Faneuil  Hall  Market,  under  the  new  deal,  was  to  be  open 
only  three  days  in  a  week,  but  later  it  was  decided  to  keep  it 
open  six  days. 

It  was  a  transition  period.  Another  change  in  the  lease  was 
made,  but  the  market  controversy  ran  so  high,  rules  adopted 
were  so  exacting,  and  the  duties  of  the  clerk  so  onerous  that 
the  subject  became  very  troublesome.  Here  society  came  to  a 
decided  split.  It  was  market  and  anti-market  in  every  depart¬ 
ment  of  public  affairs. 

The  feeling  was  so  intense  that  in  a  town  meeting,  when  the 
subject  was  under  discussion,  an  influential  citizen  charged  the 
selectmen  with  being  in  sympathy  with  the  mob  that  had  torn 
down  the  old  Dock  Square  Market,  implying  that  these  officials 
would  like  to  aid  in  another  similarly  disgraceful  act. 

Every  department  of  the  society  of  the  town  was  touched  by 
the  market  controversy,  and  new  fuel  was  subsequently  added 
to  the  flame  ;  and  in  the  year  1752  there  was  a  most  heated  con¬ 
test  in  town  meeting,  which  resulted  in  closing  the  market. 
However,  in  the  following  year  it  was  shown  most  conclusively 
that  under  wise  management  the  market  could  become  a  source 
of  revenue  to  the  town,  and  the  doors  were  again  opened  and 
the  stalls  leased  ;  new  officials  were  appointed,  new  regulations 
adopted,  and  a  more  promising  start  was  made.  The  form  of 
lease  was  made  more  comprehensive  by  adding  the  clause, 
“  hereby  obliging  myself  to  bring  to  markett  the  Hyde  and 
skins  of  all  such  creatures  as  I  shall  kill  while  I  hold  said 
stalls,  &  that  I  will  constantly  keep  said  stalls  clean,  and  at 
the  shutting  up  of  said  market  by  the  clerk  thereof,  carry  out 
with  me  all  such  beef  as  shall  be  cutt  up,  that’s  less  than  a 


EARLY  STALLKEEPERS 


95 


quarter  &  also  all  other  meat  of  what  kind  soever,  and  in  all 
other  things  conform  to  such  Rules,  Orders  and  Regulations  as 
shall  be  made  relating  to  said  stalls  &  market,  by  said  select¬ 
men,  during  the  aforesaid  term,  of  one  Year,  &  at  the  expira¬ 
tion  thereof  peaceably  deliver  up  the  same  to  them  or  their 
successors.” 

The  first  marketman  to  sign  this  lease  was  John  Hammond, 
Jr.,  who  had  stalls  No.  14  and  15. 

Others  who  accepted  the  lease  were  as  follows  :  — 


1748 

March  22 

Abraham  Cutting 

No.  17  &  18  (J 

of) 

1748 

March  22 

Henry  Coattery 

No.  4  &  24 

1748 

March  22 

Peter  Row 

No.  7  &  22 

1748 

March  22 

James  Jarvis 

No.  8&21 

1748 

March  22 

David  Stanley 

No.  10  &  29 

1748 

March  22 

Elizha  Hager 

No. 

1749 

May  1 

Moses  Davis 

No.  1  &  28 

1749 

March  22 

Benjamin  Bigelow 

No.  18  &  19  (! 

of) 

1749 

May  1 

Daniel  Dana 

No.  26  &  25  (J 

of) 

1749 

March  1 

John  Robinson 

No.  27 

1749 

January  31 

John  Stoddard  ) 

No.  14  &  15 

1749 

January  31 

John  Reed  > 

Again  the  form  of  lease  was  not  satisfactory,  and  the  voters, 
with  a  conciliatory  spirit,  decided  to  raise  a  committee  to  frame 
rules  and  regulations  for  the  better  control  of  the  market,  “  and 
for  reducing  the  exorbitant  price  of  Provisions.”  They  reported 
that  the  increase  of  price  which  the  market  occasioned  was  be¬ 
cause  of  “too  long  continuance  of  it.”  And  they  urged  that  the 
market  should  be  shut  at  eleven  instead  of  one  o’clock.  This, 
they  thought,  would  benefit  those  “  who  usually  buy  at  the  mar¬ 
ket,  and  also  those  who  depend  on  being  supplied  at  their  own 
houses.”  The  sellers  would  the  sooner  take  up  with  the  price 
offered  by  the  one,  and  sooner  disperse  to  supply  the  other. 
They  later  make  records  thus,  “  as  the  shutting  of  the  market- 
house  would  rather  increase  the  nuisance  of  the  people  with 
their  teams  and  horses  on  the  outside  of  the  house,  and  in  effect 
continue  the  market  there,  it  was  found  necessary  to  make  it 


96 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


penal  for  any  one  to  buy  out  of  the  market  hours  in  Dock 
Square.”  These  suggestions,  in  substance,  became  a  law  of 
the  town. 

Before  the  people  had  time  to  test  the  new  regulations,  the 
town  was  visited  by  a  destructive  fire,  which  occurred  on  the 
evening  of  January  13,  1761.  It  broke  out  in  a  shop  on  Dock 
Square,  and,  according  to  the  News  Letter  of  the  15th,  “it 
crossed  the  street  to  that  stately  edifice,  Faneuil  Hall  Market, 
the  whole  of  which  was  soon  consumed,  excepting  the  brick  walls 
which  are  left  standing.”  The' paper  adds,  “  The  loss  of  Faneuil 
Hall  Market  must  be  great  to  this  town  as  it  was  a  noble  building, 
esteemed  one  of  the  best  pieces  of  workmanship  here,  and  an  or¬ 
nament  to  the  town.”  The  people  early  began  to  realize  the  truth 
of  the  adage, 

“  Blessings  brighten  as  they  take  their  flight.” 

Town  meetings  were  now  to  be  held  in  any  building  that 
could  be  obtained.  The  doors  of  Rev.  Dr.  Cooper’s  meeting¬ 
house  were  opened  for  the  annual  March  meeting,  when  it  was 
voted  not  to  repair  or  rebuild  the  hall.  But  steps  were  taken 
for  improving  the  streets  in  that  locality,  and  the  town  employed 
Mr.  Dawes  to  “secure  the  brick  walls  from  the  weather,  and  do 
anything  to  preserve  them.”  It  was  evident  to  all  that  the 
house  must  be  rebuilt,  but  the  question  of  providing  the  means 
for  doing  it  staggered  them.  There  was  no  Peter  Faneuil  to 
put  his  hands  in  his  pocket  in  this  emergency,  and,  in  fact,  the 
manner  in  which  his  gift  had  been  treated  was  not  such  as  to 
encourage  a  repetition  of  gifts  to  the  public.  It  was  at  length 
decided  to  rebuild  the  house,  covering  it  with  a  slated  roof,  put¬ 
ting  in  stone  window  frames,  and  using  as  little  woodwork  as 
possible  about  the  ornaments.  To  raise  the  funds  it  was  decided 
to  petition  the  General  Court  for  an  act  enabling  them  to  secure 
the  money  by  means  of  a  lottery,1  a  method  questionable  in  later 

1  In  1751,  by  an  act  of  the  province,  a  lottery  was  authorized  for  supplying  the 
treasury  with  26,700  milled  dollars.  The  Hon.  Samuel  Watts  was  the  chief  manager 


REBUILT  BY  MEANS  OF  A  LOTTERY 


97 


time,  bat  resorted  to  in  eases  of  emergency  in  provincial  days. 
The  enemies  to  the  market  seized  upon  this  time  as  their  oppor¬ 
tunity  and  secured  a  vote  “That  in  as  much  as  it  will  be  neces¬ 
sary  in  order  effectually  to  Repair  Faneuil  Hall  to  Repair  in 
some  measure  the  lower  part  of  said  Building.  It  is  the  sense 
of  the  town,  not  with  standing,  that  the  lower  part  shall  not  be 
improved  as  a  Markett  till  the  further  order  and  Determination 
of  the  town.” 

The  contract  for  rebuilding  the  house  on  the  original  plan 
was  let  out  to  Onesiphorus  Tileston  and  others,  they  agreeing  to 
wait  for  their  pay  until  the  money  could  be  raised  by  the  lottery. 
But  it  is  evident  that  they  became  tired  of  waiting  and  asked 
relief  on  account  of  the  time  their  bills  remained  unpaid. 
Captain  Tileston’s  bill  was  ^1287  6s.  2 d.\  Thomas  Dawes’, 
^337  os.  yd.\  Josiah  Waters’,  170  os.  yd.-,  Moses  Pitcher’s, 
^130  ioy.  4 d.\  Timothy  Thornton’s,  ^32  14Y.  8 d.  In  Septem¬ 
ber,  1765,  a  committee  was  chosen  to  attend  to  these  unsettled 
accounts. 


The  Lottery 

The  voters  of  Boston  directed  their  selectmen  to  petition  the 
General  Court  for  an  act  enabling  them  to  conduct  the  lottery. 
They  set  forth  in  their  preamble  that  “In  the  providence  of  God, 
Faneuil  Hall  having  been  consumed  by  fire,  the  inhabitants  of  said 
town  labor  under  great  inconvenience  in  want  of  a  suitable  place 
for  transacting  business  of  said  town,  and  find  it  necessary  to 
rebuild  and  repair  the  said  hall  not  only  to  accommodate  them¬ 
selves,  as  soon  as  may  be,  but  also  that  they  may  not  lose  the 
benefit  of  the  walls  Yet  Standing.” 

Their  petition,  not  being  uncommon,  was  granted,  and  Samuel 
Sewall,  Samuel  Phillips  Savage,  and  Ezekiel  Lewis  were  em¬ 
powered  “  to  set  up  and  carry  on  a  lottery  or  lotteries,  amount- 

of  it,  and  had  his  office  in  Faneuil  Hall,  where  the  lottery  was  drawn.  Indians, 
negroes,  and  mulattoes  were  not  allowed  to  buy  tickets  in  the  lotteries  of  Boston. 


H 


98 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


ing  to  such  a  sum,  as,  by  drawing  ten  percent  out  of  each  prize, 
or  out  of  the  whole,  may  raise  a  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds, 
and  no  more  or  the  major  part  of  them,  to  the  rebuilding  the 
said  Faneuil  Hall  and  the  market  under  the  same.” 

The  compensation  allowed  each  manager  was  six  shillings  per 
day.  The  number  of  managers  was  increased  after  a  time,  and 
later  the  amount  to  be  raised  was  increased  by  an  enabling  act 
of  the  General  Court.  The  lottery  tickets  were  issued  in  several 
classes,  designated  by  the  letters  of  the  alphabet.  Some  of 
them  bore  the  bold  signature  of  John  Hancock,  a  young  man 


I 


Boston  June  1765.  * 

Faneuil-HM  LOTTERY,  No.  Five.  J 

HE  Poffefior  of  this  Ticket  (No  )  $ 

is  intitled  to  atxy  Prize  drawn  againft  faid  ^ 
*  Number,  id  a  Lottery  granted  by  a«  Aft  of  ^ 

^  thcGeneralCourt  of  the  Prormce  of  the Mafachufettt- 
|  Bay,  for  Rebuilding  Faweuil-H  ALL  ;  fubjeft  to  eo  _ 
i  Dedaftion.  ~  ~ 


then  coming  into  political  power  in  the  town.  The  money 
came  in  slowly,  and  the  subject  was  dragged  along  for  several 
years.  The  advertisements  of  “Faneuil  Hall  Lottery  Tickets” 
were  seen  in  almost  every  issue  of  the  newspapers  1  of  the  time. 
Some  numbers  of  the  Boston  Gazette  show  full  pages  devoted 

1  The  following  newspapers  were  published  in  Boston  at  this  time  :  Boston  Arews 
Letter,  begun  in  1704,  The  Boston  Gazette,  in  1719,  The  Boston  Weekly  Post  Boy  in 
1734,  The  Boston  Evening  Post,  in  1735,  and  The  New  England  Weekly  Journal,  in 
1741.  ■ — Nason. 

“  At  the  time  of  the  erection  of  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston  contained  16,000  inhabitants, 
of  whom  1514  were  negroes.  It  had  at  one  time  during  that  year,  forty  topsail  vessels 
on  the  stocks,  and  its  commerce  outrivalled  that  of  any  other  town  of  the  English 
colonies  in  America.  Some  six  hundred  ships  had  been  freighted  in  a  year  for  foreign 
ports  and  the  town  was  rapidly  advancing  in  wealth  and  refinement.  It  had  ten 
churches,  a  handsome  town  house,  and  a  province  house.” — Nason. 


PREVIOUS  TO  OPENING  OF  REVOLUTION  99 


to  a  “  Lottery  drawing.”  On  July  1,  1765,  was  published  the 
following :  “  Those  persons  that  are  possessed  of  Benefit  Tickets 
in  the  above  Lottery,  by  applying  to  the  respective  managers 
who  signed  them,  may  receive  their  money.”  In  August,  1768, 
appears  the  following :  “  The  public  are  hereby  notified  that 
the  managers  of  Faneuil  Hall  Lottery,  letter  N.,  have  met  with 
such  encouragement  in  the  sale  of  the  Tickets  that  they  have 
begun  to  roll  the  numbers  and  prepare  the  Boxes  for  drawing, 
which  they  design  shall  commence  in  a  month  from  this  time.” 
Tickets  lost  and  found  were  frequently  mentioned  in  the  paper, 
and  the  subject  of  the  Lottery  was  kept  before  the  people  until 
the  more  vital  questions  of  the  Revolution  engrossed  the  public 
mind. 

The  work  of  rebuilding  was  so  far  completed  that  the  town 
met  in  the  hall  on  the  14th  day  of  March,  1763,  when  James 
Otis,  moderator  of  the  meeting,  delivered  an  appropriate  ad¬ 
dress.  A  charity  sermon  was  preached  in  the  hall,  a  few  days 
earlier,  by  Rev.  Samuel  Mather,  the  occasion  being  the  distress 
of  the  poor  of  the  town,  who  had  met  with  great  loss  by  fire. 

The  opposition  to  reopening  the  market  was  overruled,  and 
a  committee  raised  to  put  it  in  condition  as  before  the  fire,  only 
that  the  doors  should  be  hung  on  the  outside.  The  selectmen 
were  directed  to  use  diligence  in  having  the  house  ready  so  that 
butchers  and  others  might  bring  in  their  provisions  without 
interruption. 

The  picture  of  the  Faneuil  Hall  Market  as  it  appeared  after 
this  rebuilding  is  the  earliest  view  of  it  extant.  In  it  are  seen 
the  rail  fences,  which  have  but  little  significance  until  we  read 
the  action  of  the  town  of  March,  1767  :  — 

“Voted  —  That  the  selectmen  be  desired  to  shut  up  such 
parts  of  the  Towns  Land  adjoining  to  Faneuil  Hall  Market  as 
they  shall  Judge  proper,  and  not  suffer  any  Person  to  enter 
within  the  Rails  for  the  sale  of  any  kind  of  Provisions  unless 
they  pay  such  an  acknowledgement  to  the  Town  as  the  Select- 


IOO 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


men  may  think  reasonable  —  Also  that  it  be  recommended  to 
the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  not  to  purchase  any  Provision  of 
such  disorderly  Persons  as  may  presume  to  stand  in  Dock 
Square,  or  the  streets  round  Faneuil  Hall  Market  —  and  that 
the  above  vote  be  printed  and  dispersed  among  the  Inhabitants 
on  hand  bills.” 


Faneuil  Hall  and  Market  of  the  Revolution 


Thus  the  spirit  of  rivalry  was  continued  between  the  itinerant 
and  located  marketing,  until  the  province  was  engulfed  in  the 
Revolutionary  struggle. 

Note 

Thomas  Hancock,  a  contemporary  with  Peter  Faneuil,  but  one  who  out¬ 
lived  him  many  years,  intended  to  follow  Faneuil’s  example  and  confer  a 
lasting  benefit  upon  Boston,  and  the  whole  province,  by  establishing  an 
asylum  for  ‘‘such  unhappy  Persons  as  it  shall  please  God  in  his  Providence  to 
deprive  of  their  Reason.”  But  not  having  put  his  beneficent  purpose  into 
action  during  his  life,  he  failed  of  it  altogether,  and  was  denied  the  honor  which 
is  still  accorded  to  Peter  Faneuil.  Although,  in  recognition  of  the  bequest  of 
“  Six  hundred  Pounds,  lawful  Money,”  for  the  purpose,  the  town  voted  that 
‘•the  name  of  Hancock  be  Recorded  and  enrolled  among  those  of  Faneuil  and 
the  other  worthy  Benefactors  of  this  City.” 


CHAPTER  XI 


Death  of  Peter  Faneuil.  Public  Honors  paid  to  the  Memory  of  Boston’s 
First  Great  Benefactor.  Return  of  the  Banished  Benjamin.  Obituary  from 
News  Letter.  Funeral  Oration  delivered  by  John  Lovell  in  Faneuil  Hall. 
Peter  Faneuil’s  Estate.  The  Appraisal  of  the  Largest  Estate  in  Boston. 
Benjamin  Faneuil  the  Administrator.  The  Accumulated  Wealth  quickly 
scattered. 


THE  market-house  controversy  did  not  disturb  Peter  Faneuil, 
for  before  the  time  had  passed  for  extending  congratula¬ 
tions  to  him  for  his  benevolent  act,  by  those  who  enjoyed  the 
hall,  and  before  the  market  had  become  what  he  desired  it  to 
be,  the  report  of  the  death  of  the  honored  man  was  passed  from 
lip  to  lip.  It  occurred  on  March  3,  1743. 

The  sudden  removal  of  a  man  of  so  great  prominence  soon 
after  his  persistent  and  successful  effort  to  confer  a  blessing 
upon  the  town  could  not  fail  of  calling  a  halt  to  all  branches  of 
business  activity,  and  of  bending  all  energies  to  the  one  pur¬ 
pose  of  honoring  the  memory  of  the  deceased.  The  town  offi¬ 
cials  took  measures  to  have  suitable  recognition  of  the  event. 
They  voted  “that  a  hatchment  with  the  arms  of  Peter  Faneuil 
Esq.  be  placed  at  the  west  end  of  Faneuil  Hall  at  the  towns 
expence,  and  that  the  bell  on  the  said  house  be  tolled  from  one 
o’clock  until  the  funeral  is  over.”  His  body  was  interred  in  the 
family  tomb  in  Granary  Burying  Ground  by  the  side  of  his 
uncle,  whom  he  had  outlived  only  about  five  years.1  Fet  those 

1  The  following  notes  are  credited  to  the  History  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable 
Artillery  Company,  compiled  by  Oliver  Ayer  Roberts. 

“Journal  of  Benjamin  Walker,”  Thursday  3,  (March  1743)  Peter  Faneuil  Esqr, 
between  2  &  3  o’clock  in  ye  afternoon  dyed  of  a  dropsical  complyca(tion),  he  was 

101 


102 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


who  claim  to  have  a  range  of  vision  beyond  this  sphere,  tell  us 
what  Uncle  Andrew  said  when  told  by  Peter  that  his  summons 
had  come  so  suddenly  that  he  had  made  no  preparations  for 
the  control  of  the  estate.  In  the  absence  of  “a  last  will  and 
testament,”  there  was  but  one  thing  to  be  done,  send  for  Ben¬ 
jamin.  To  be  sure,  Mary  Anne  Faneuil,  a  sister,  was  in  the 
home,  and  there  were  other  sisters  in  Boston,  but  the  right  of 
instituting  proceedings  naturally  went  to  the  brother,  who  was 
only  two  years  younger  than  Peter.  It  was  Benjamin’s  oppor¬ 
tunity,  and  we  find  him  duly  appointed  administrator  of  the  great 
estate.  No  doubt,  Benjamin  Faneuil,  who  had  lived  on  friendly 
relations  with  his  brother  Peter,  when  returning  to  the  family 
mansion,  thought  of  that  morning  when  he  had  gone  out  from 
it  but  a  few  years  before.  We  have  had  occasional  glimpses  of 
him,  during  these  years,  when  he  has  been  identified  with 
the  interests  of  the  town,  or  has  gone  on  business  ventures 
abroad,  and  as  he  has  spent  his  most  happy  hours  in  the  soci¬ 
ety  and  holy  relationship  of  the  wife  of  his  youth,  and  with 
their  three  children. 

The  circumstances  were  favorable  to  the  opposite  of  brotherly 
love  between  Peter  and  Benjamin  Faneuil,  but  how  can  we 
doubt  that  these  friendly  relations  did  exist  when  we  consider 
the  evidence  offered  by  the  “  Old  Sexton,”  who  has  preserved 
the  following  letter  from  Peter  to  his  brother,  addressed  by  the 
cant  name  of  Cockey. 


a  fat,  squat,  Lame  (man),  hip  short,  went  with  high  heeled  shoe  (In  my  opinion  a 
great  loss  too  This  Town,  aged  42,  8m.)  &  I  think  by  what  I  have  heard  has  done 
more  charitable  deeds  than  any  man  yt,  ever  liv’d  in  this  Town  &  for  whom  I  am 
very  sorry.  “  March  10,  Peter  Faneuil  Esqr.  buried.  Bearers  Messrs.  Tom.  Lechmere; 
Josh.  Winslow;  Jno.  Wheelwright,  and  Oliver;  Jno.  Gooch;  Jno.  Wendall,  went 
round  ye  Town  house,  (Faneuil  Hall?)” 

From  William  Nadir’s  Almanac,  under  date  of  March  10,  1743.  “Thursday  10, 
buried  Peter  Faneuil,  Esqr.  in  43d  year  of  age,  a  fatt,  corpulent,  brown,  squat  man, 
hip  short,  lame  from  childhood,  a  very  large  funeral  went  round  ye  Town  house;  gave 
us  gloves  at  ye  funeral,  but  sent  ye  gloves  on  ye  1 1  day,  his  Cofin  cover(ed)  with 
black  velvet,  &  plated  with  yellow  plates.” 


OBITUARY  FROM  NEWS  LETTER 


103 


“Boston,  the  18  August,  1741. 

“  Dear  Cockey  :  The  Occasion  of  my  Sending  my  Chaise  for 
you  was  on  account  of  Mr.  Shirley’s  receiving  of  his  Majisties 
Commission  Last  Thursday  appointing  him  Govr.  of  this  Prov¬ 
ince  wh.  was  read  the  next  day,  upon  which  occasion  he  ask’t 
me  the  Loane  of  my  Charrot  wh.  I  granted  him  till  Last  Night, 
so  that  I  presume  will  plede  my  excuse.  I  now  send  you  up  the 
Chase,  to  bring  you  home,  and  have  deliver’d  ye  Coachman  some 
Boiled  Beef,  a  dozen  of  brown  biskett  6  bottles  of  Madera  and  2  of 
Frontinan  with  a  dozen  of  Lemmons.  Your  relations  and  friends 
are  all  well,  and  desire  their  Love  and  service  may  be  made 
acceptable  to  you,  pray  my  Compliments  to  the  Gentm  and 
Ladys  with  you  —  and  give  me  Leave  to  assure  you  that  I  am, 
Dear  Cockey, 

“Your  affectionate  Brother, 

“Peter  Faneuil.’’ 

The  News  Letter  contained  the  following  obituary  notice  :  — 

“On  Thursday  last,  dyed  at  his  seat  in  this  Town,  Peter  Fan¬ 
euil  Esq.,  whose  remains,  we  hear,  are  to  be  interred  this  after¬ 
noon  ;  a  gentleman  possessed  of  very  ample  fortune,  and  a  most 
generous  spirit,  whose  noble  benefaction  to  this  town,  and  con¬ 
stant  employment  of  a  great  number  of  tradesmen,  artificers  and 
labourers,  to  whom  he  was  a  liberal  paymaster ;  whose  hospi¬ 
tality  to  all,  and  secret  unbounded  charity  to  the  poor,  —  made 
his  life  a  public  blessing,  and  his  death  a  general  loss  to,  and 
universally  regretted  by,  the  inhabitants ;  who  had  been  so 
sensible  of  their  obligations  to  him,  for  the  sumptuous  edifice, 
which  he  raised  at  his  private  expence,  for  their  Market  house, 
and  Town  Hall,  that,  at  a  general  town  meeting,  as  a  testimony 
of  their  gratitude,  they  voted,  that  the  place  of  their  future 
consultations  should  be  called  by  his  name,  forever ;  in  doing 
which  they  perpetuated  their  own  honor  as  much  as  his  memory  ; 
for,  by  this  record  posterity  will  know  the  most  public  spirited 


104 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


man,  in  all  regards,  that  ever  yet  appeared  on  the  Northern 
continent  of  America,  was  a  member  of  their  community.” 

Peter  Faneuil’s  gift,  when  viewed  from  our  present  standpoint, 
may  seem  small,  but  when  considered,  as  it  should  be,  from  the 
standard  of  society  of  that  early  date,  appears,  as  it  really  was, 
without  precedent  in  the  province.  Munificence  at  that  time 
was  almost  unknown. 

The  truth  of  another’s  words,  “  that  which  I  gave  away,  I 
saved,”  seems  apparent,  for  it  was  that  which  Peter  Faneuil 
gave  to  the  public  that  secured  to  him  a  memorial  which  has 
saved  his  name  from  oblivion.  That  which  he  saved  has  failed 
to  do  it. 

In  addition  to  the  demonstration  on  the  part  of  the  town,  at 
the  time  of  the  funeral  ceremony,  steps  were  early  taken  for  a 
public  memorial  service.  This  was  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  and  was 
the  first  of  the  notable  series  of  meetings  in  memory  of  honored 
dead,  held  in  that  house.  The  eulogy  was  delivered  by  John 
Lovell,  master  of  the  Latin  School,  and  being  satisfactory,  the 
town  caused  it  to  be  placed  upon  their  records.  Some  of  the 
utterances,  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  have 
a  contradictory  shading,  for  Master  Lovell  was  among  those 
who  displayed  their  patriotism  by  adhering  to  the  Crown  and 
turning  against  the  people  of  the  provinces. 

Printed  copies  of  the  oration  were  distributed,  the  title  being 
‘‘A  funeral  oration  delivered  at  the  opening  of  the  annual  meet¬ 
ing  of  the  town,  March  14,  1742.  In  Faneuil  Hall,  in  Boston, 
occasioned  by  the  death  of  the  founder,  Peter  Faneuil  Esqr. 
By  John  Lovell  A.M.,  Master  of  the  South  Grammar  school 
in  Boston.  Printed  by  Green,  Bushnell  &  Allen  for  S.  Kneeland 
&  T.  Green,  in  Queen  street,  1743. 

“  I  stand  in  this  place,  my  fellow  townsmen,  and  my  worthy 
patrons,  at  the  call  of  those  to  whom  you  have  committed  the 
direction  of  your  publick  affairs,  to  condole  with  you  for  the 
loss  of  your  late  generous  benefactor,  the  founder  of  this 


FUNERAL  ORATION  IN  FANEUIL  HALL  105 


house.  Certain  I  am  there  are  numbers  in  this  great  assem¬ 
bly,  who  could  upon  this  occasion  have  done  more  justice  to 
his  memory,  and  have  better  discharged  the  office  that  is 
enjoined  me.  But  the  commands  of  those  (for  such  I  must 
always  esteem  their  desires)  who  have  devolved  this  charge 
upon  me,  and  the  veneration  I  have  for  the  virtues  of  the 
deceased,  oblige  me  to  bear  what  little  part  I  can,  in  a  grate¬ 
ful  acknowledgement  of  the  just  regard  due  to  the  memory 
of  a  man,  whose  name,  I  am  sure, 
will  never  be  forgotten  among  us. 

“  How  soon,  alas  !  is  our  joy 
for  having  found  such  a  bene¬ 
factor,  changed  into  mourning 
for  the  loss  of  him !  But  a 
few  months  are  passed  since 
we  were  framing  votes,  and 
consulting  the  best  measures  to 
express  our  gratitude  for  his 
unexampled  favors  ;  and  the 
first  annual  meeting  within  these 
walls  that  were  raised  by  his 
bounty,  finds  us  assembled  in  the 
deepest  sorrow  for  his  decease. 

“  Instances  of  mortality  are  never  more  affecting  than  in 
those  whose  lives  have  been  public  blessings.  Surely  then 
every  breast  must  feel  a  more  than  common  distress,  for  the 
loss  of  one,  whose  largeness  of  heart  equaled,  great  as  it  was, 
his  power  to  do  good.  Honest  industry  must  mourn,  for 
which  the  exercise  of  his  bounty  found  an  almost  constant 
employment ;  and  they  that  know  how  to  pity  the  calamities 
of  human  nature  themselves,  will  mourn  for  him  that  always 
relieved  them. 

“  So  soon  as  he  arrived  to  the  possession  of  his  large  and 
plentiful  estate  ;  instead  of  fruitlessly  hoarding  up  his  treas- 


10 6  FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 

ures,  though  no  man  managed  his  affairs  with  greater  pru¬ 
dence  and  industry  ;  instead  of  wasteing  them  in  luxury,  though 
plenty  always  crowned  his  board,  instead  of  neglecting  the 
wants  of  his  fellow  creatures,  an  unhappy  circumstance  too 
often  attending  the  possession  of  riches,  he  made  it  manifest 
that  he  understood  the  true  improvement  of  wealth,  and  was 
determined  to  pursue  it.  It  was  to  him  the  highest  enjoy¬ 
ment  of  riches,  to  relieve  the  wants  of  the  needy,  from  which 
he  was  himself  exempted,  to  see  mankind  rejoicing  in  the 
fruits  of  his  bounty,  and  to  feel  that  divine  satisfaction  which 
results  from  communicating  happiness  to  others.  His  acts 
of  charity  were  so  secret  and  unbounded,  that  none  but  they 
who  were  the  objects  of  it,  can  compute  the  sums  which  he  annu¬ 
ally  distributed  among  them.  His  alms  flowed  like  a  fruitful 
river,  that  diffuses  its  streams  through  a  whole  country.  He 
fed  the  hungry,  and  he  cloathed  the  naked,  he  comforted  the 
fatherless,  and  the  widows  in  their  affliction,  and  his  bounties 
visited  the  prisoner.  So  that  Almighty  God  in  giving  riches 
to  this  man,  seems  to  have  scattered  blessings  all  abroad  among 
the  people. 

“  But  these  private  charities  were  not  the  only  effects  of  his 
public  spirit,  which,  not  contented  with  distributing  his  bene¬ 
factions  to  private  families,  extended  them  to  the  whole  com¬ 
munity.  Let  this  stately  edifice  which  bears  his  name  witness 
for  him,  what  sum  he  expended  in  public  munificence.  This 
building,  erected  by  him  at  an  immense  charge,  for  the  con¬ 
venience  and  ornament  of  the  town,  is  comparably  the  great¬ 
est  benefaction  ever  yet  known  to  our  western  shore.  Yet 
this  effect  of  his  bounty,  however  great,  is  but  the  first  fruits 
of  his  generosity,  a  pledge  of  what  his  heart,  always  devising 
liberal  things,  would  have  done  for  us,  had  his  life  been  spared. 
It  is  an  unspeakable  loss  to  the  town,  that  he  was  taken  away 
in  the  midst  of  his  days,  and  in  so  sudden  a  manner,  as  to 
prevent  his  making  provision  for  what  his  generous  heart 


FUNERAL  ORATION  IN  FANEUIL  HALL  107 


might  design.  For  I  am  well  assured,  from  those  who  were 
acquainted  with  his  purposes,  that  he  had  many  more  blessings 
in  store  for  us,  had  heaven  prolonged  his  days.  But  he  is 
gone  !  the  town’s  benefactor,  the  comforter  of  the  distressed, 
and  the  poor  man’s  friend.  He  is  gone !  And  ail  his  plans 
of  future  bounties  with  him,  they  are  buried  in  the  grave 
together.  He  shall  be  raised  to  life  again  !  and  his  intended 
charities,  though  they  are  lost  to  us,  will  not  be  lost  to  him. 
Designs  of  Goodness  and  mercy,  prevented  as  these  were,  will 
meet  with  the  reward  of  actions. 

“He  is  gone!  —  And  must  such  men  die!  die  in  the  midst 
of  their  days  !  Must  the  protectors  and  fathers  of  the  distressed 
be  taken  away,  while  their  oppressors  are  continued,  and  in¬ 
crease  in  power  !  —  Great  God  !  How  unsearchable  thy  ways  ! 
—  We  confess  our  sins,  but  just  and  righteous  art  thou. 

“To  express  your  gratitude  to  your  generous  benefactor,  you 
have  passed  the  most  honorable  resolves,  and  to  preserve  his 
memory,  you  have  called  this  house  by  his  name.  But  in  vain, 
alas  !  would  you  perpetuate  his  memory  by  such  frail  materials  ! 
These  walls,  the  present  monuments  of  his  fame,  shall  moulder 
into  dust.  These  foundations,  however  deeply  laid,  shall  be 
forgotten.  But  his  deeds,  his  charities,  shall  survive  the  ruin  of 
nature.  And  to  have  relieved  the  miseries  of  the  distressed,  to 
have  stilled  the  cries  of  orphans,  and  to  have  dried  the  widow’s 
tears,  are  acts  that  shall  embalm  his  memory  for  many  genera¬ 
tions  on  earth,  and  shall  follow  him  beyond  the  limits  of  mor¬ 
tality,  into  those  blissful  regions  where  endless  charity  dwells. 

“What  now  remains,  but  my  ardent  wishes  (in  which,  I  know 
you  will  concur  with  me)  that  this  Hall  may  ever  be  sacred  to 
the  interests  of  Truth,  of  Justice,  of  Loyalty,  of  Honor,  of  Lib¬ 
erty.  May  no  private  views  nor  party  broils  ever  enter  within 
these  walls  ;  but  may  the  same  public  spirit  that  glowed  in  the 
breast  of  the  generous  Founder,  influence  all  your  debates,  that 
society  may  reap  the  benefit  of  them. 


io8 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


“  May  Liberty  always  spread  its  joyful  wings  over  this  place. 
Liberty  that  opens  men’s  hearts  to  beneficence,  and  gives  the 
relish  to  those  who  enjoy  the  effects  of  it.  And  may  Loyalty 
to  a  King,  under  whom  we  enjoy  this  liberty,  ever  remain  our 
character.  A  character  always  justly  due  to  this  land,  and  of 
which  our  enemies  have  in  vain  attempted  to  rob  us. 

“  May  those  who  are  the  inheriters  of  the  large  estate  of  our 
deceased  benefactor,  inherit,  likewise  the  largeness  of  his  soul. 
May  the  widow,  the  orphan,  and  the  helpless,  find  in  them  a 
protector,  a  father,  and  a  support.  In  a  word,  to  sum  up  all, 
may  Faneuil  live  in  them. 

“  May  charity,  that  most  excellent  of  graces  that  beam  from 
the  breast  of  the  Father  of  Mercies,  which,  so  soon  as  ever  it 
enters  our  bosom  it  begins  our  happiness  :  charity,  the  joy  of 
men,  of  angels,  of  Almighty  God ;  which  completes  the  felicity 
of  earth  and  heaven  :  May  it  warm  the  hearts  of  those  who  are 
like  to  our  departed  friend  in  their  fortunes,  to  resemble  him 
too  in  his  bounties.  May  there  be  raised  up  some  new  bene¬ 
factors  in  the  room  of  him  we  have  lost,  who  shall,  if  possible, 
rival  Faneuil’s  spirit.  And  may  there  always  remain  in  this 
town,  the  same  grateful  sentiments,  the  same  virtuous  disposi¬ 
tions  to  remember  their  benefactors  with  honor.” 

The  reading  of  Master  Lovell’s  address,  together  with  what  we 
have  previously  learned  of  the  financial  affairs  of  the  lamented 
man,  prompts  us  to  a  desire  to  know  something  of  the  disposi¬ 
tion  of  the  “large  and  plentiful  estate.” 

The  estate  comprises  not  only  Peter  Faneuil's  accumulations, 
but  the  property  left  by  his  Uncle  Andrew,  minus  the  few  lega¬ 
cies  to  other  people,  including  the  five  vindictive  shillings  to 
Benjamin.  What  wonder  that  Benjamin  Faneuil  manifested 
satisfaction  when  he  came  to  fully  realize  that  he  was  cus¬ 
todian  of  the  entire  estate  and  the  rightful  heir  of  a  good 
portion  of  it.  The  first  duty  of  the  administrator  was  to  have 
an  inventory  made  of  the  estate.  The  appraisers  were  William 


APPRAISAL  OF  THE  ESTATE 


109 


Price,  Joseph  Dowse,  and  Peter  Chardon  ;  the  sum  total  of 
their  valuation  was  ^44,451  1 5-v.  yd.,  but  this  affords  us  no  idea 
of  the  entire  property  left  by  Peter  Faneuil,  as  he  had  large 
investments  abroad,  authority  for  the  disposition  of  which  was 
granted  by  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury. 

A  review  of  the  itemized  inventory  affords  us  some  intima¬ 
tions  of  the  household  furnishings  of  a  gentleman  of  provincial 
Boston  of  1742,  together  with  some  side-light  glimpses  into 
habits  and  customs  of  the  time. 

We  are  first  shown  into  the  best  room,  where  are  a  “  full  set,” 
consisting  of  “  12  carved  vineered  chairs  and  a  couch,”  valued 
at  ^105,  and  a  “pier  glass  ”  at  ,£100.  With  what  pleasure  the 
proud  merchant  has  beheld  his  figure  reflected  in  this  mirror, 
which  occupies  a  full  side  of  the  room  ;  and  then  the  “  arms  to 
ditto”  convinces  us  that  this  was  made  for  the  Faneuil  family, 
possibly  for  Andrew,  when  in  his  prime.  “  One  chimney  glass 
and  arms”  is  set  down  at  ,£35,  being  another  “made  to  order” 
fixture  which  has  been  a  handsome  adornment  for  the  chimney, 
so  that  the  proud  owner,  while  sitting  before  the  open  fire,  could 
see  himself  as  the  “Jolly  Bachelor.”  “  1  marble  table  and  one 
large  Turkey  carpet”  added  to  the  general  appearance,  while 
“  1  compleat  brass  set  —  hearth  dogs,  tongs,  shovel,  bellows, 
etc.,”  remind  us  of  the  letter  in  Peter’s  record  book,  in  which 
he  ordered  these  articles  from  London.  “  1  copper  tea  table, 
cups,  saucers,  tea-pot-stand,  bowl,  and  sugar  dish,”  at  ^10,  afford 
slight  intimations  that  Miss  Mary  Anne  Faneuil  has  introduced 
afternoon  teas  to  the  delight  of  her  brother  Peter.  “  3  alabaster 
bowls  and  stands  ”  could  not  have  come  amiss  in  the  serving. 
What  a  delight  must  have  been  that  buffet  that  held  “  a  parcel 
of  china,  delph  and  glasses  of  several  sorts  ”  to  the  value  of 
^199.  But  few  households  of  Boston  were  provided  with  glass 
in  the  days  when  the  Faneuil  family  enjoyed  the  luxury.  Who 
could  refrain  from  pausing  before  “  1  large  ovall  mahogany 
table  ”  and  suppress  the  visions  of  good  things  that  have  been 


I  IO 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


served  on  it  to  the  delight  of  both  uncle  and  nephew  ?  and  who 
could  blame  Benjamin  if,  in  passing,  he  referred  to  that  last 
meal  of  which  he  partook  from  that  table,  and  manifested  satis¬ 
faction  as  he  made  haste  to  count  up  “  12  plain  walnut  frame 
leather  bottom  chairs”?  The  Faneuil  mansion  was  one  of  the 
very  few  of  the  town  whose  rooms  were  ornamented  with  pic¬ 
tures,  aside  from  family  portraits,  but  here  were  the  “  prospect 
of  Boston,  2  landskips  on  copper,  and  the  temple  of  Solomon,” 
occupying  the  same  positions  on  the  dining-room  wall  that  they 
did  when  Andrew  Faneuil  said  the  word  which  expelled  the 
would-be  benedict. 

The  great  centre  hall  was  supplied  with  “  1  large  entry 
lantern,”  and  a  fire  apparatus  consisting  of  “12  baggs  and 
buckets,”  the  latter  suggesting  the  primitive  appliances  for  con¬ 
trolling  fire  in  the  town.  “  Alexander’s  battles  ”  had  a  con¬ 
spicuous  place  in  the  hall,  and  the  whole  were  rated  at  £3 7. 
The  family  library  does  not  indicate  great  literary  taste,  but  as 
the  clergy  were  expected  to  control  the  classics,  we  are  sur¬ 
prised  to  find  that  Erasmus  is  there  “  in  good  letters  and  well 
bound,”  and  that  the  appraisers  valued  it  at  £2  IOJ. ;  other 
books  are  valued  at  ^50. 

The  sleeping  apartments  afford  attractions  and  bespeak  com¬ 
fort.  “  1  green  harrateen  bed,  bedstead,  window  curtains, 
cushions,  mattress,  2  green  silk  quilts,  and  feather  bed,”  all  for 
£65,  suggest  the  dignity  of  a  green  room  in  provincial  Boston. 
“  3  sconces  with  arms  ”  afford  intimation  that  the  apartments 
were  fitted  with  wall  brackets  made  for  the  family,  and  in 
which  the  best  wax  candles  were  placed.  “  1  bureau,  table, 
1  pair  brass-faced  dogs,  1  fire  shovel,  tongs,  bellows,  and  one 
Turkey  worked  carpet”  make  up  the  furniture  of  the  first 
chamber  and  are  valued  at  £107. 

The  “Jolly  Bachelor’s  ”  chamber  shows  “  1  silver-hilted  sword, 
a  pair  of  pistols  and  powder  flask,”  all  for  ,£15.  “  1  case  with 

six  razors,  1  pair  scissors,  bone  pen  knife,  strap,  2  bottles,  looking 


APPRAISAL  OF  THE  ESTATE 


1 1  r 


glass  (tipt  with  silver),  yellow  mohair  bed-counterpane,  feather 
bed,  bolster,  2  pillows,  false  curtains,  etc.,  with  6  chairs,  a  great 
chair,  2  stools,  window  curtains,  cushions,  all  of  the  same,”  AG 45. 
The  contents  of  another  bedchamber  foots  up  AG  8  7. 

An  order  to  London,  soon  after  Uncle  Andrew’s  death,  is 
verified  here  with  a  listing  of  “  6  Lignumvitae  chocolate  cupps, 
Lined  with  silver,”  AG-  The  numerous  ‘‘copper  potts,  pans, 
and  kettles”  call  to  mind  an  early  order  to  London  for  all  these 
necessaries  in  the  culinary  department,  to  which  we  descend, 
where  “Fowling  piece,  boxes  of  pipes,  1  engine  and  1  cistern” 
are  valued  at  AG1-  “  1  Gold  watch-chain  &  seal  of  Graham 
make,  5  negroes,  1  chariot,  and  1  coach  ”  are  all  strangely  mixed 
in  the  inventory  and  increase  the  estate  by  AG  25  5.  These 
negroes  are  rated  AG  50,  AG  30,  AG  20,  jQ  1 20,  AG 00,  respectively  ; 
which  of  these  was  the  well-known  “straight  negro  lad”  for 
which  Mr.  Faneuil  swapped  codfish  and  alewives,  we  cannot  tell, 
but  unquestionably  he  had  increased  in  value  since  coming  to 
live  with  this  man  of  “quality.” 

From  the  kitchen  we  follow  these  judges  of  property  to  the 
stables,  and  here  see  that  the  “Two  wheel  chaise”  is  rated  at 
Ago,  while  the  “four  wheel  chaise”  is  set  down  at  AG 50, 
“  one  tandem  of  English  horses  ”  is  valued  at  AG°°-  and  another 
at  AG 50;  while  “2  Albany  horses”  are  rated  at  only  AG 00;  a 
“white  horse,”  probably  the  mate  to  the  one  sent  to  Barbadoes, 
was  booked  at  AG5»  “One  Albany  Horse  (mate  dead),”  j£go. 
The  storehouse  was  next  in  order  of  visitation,  where  were 
booked  “8  Bbls.  flour  and  pork  AG°>”  “  15  prs.  cottons  £120,” 
“9  Loaves  sugar  AGo.” 

The  bachelor's  strong  box  must  next  have  received  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  the  officials  ;  here  they  register  “A  parcel  of  Jewells 
AG490.  10,”  “1400  oz.  Plate  @  |  ster.  £  2122.  io,”  “  a  silver  stand 
32  oz.  &  a  seal  A43>”  “l  shaving  Bason  27 oz.  AG°-  16.”  We 
can  but  fancy  the  satisfaction  with  which  the  “  Jolly  Bachelor” 
made  lather  in  that  silver  dish  and  spread  it  over  his  well- 


I  12 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


rounded  cheeks  before  applying  one  of  those  razors  which  his 
letter  book  shows  him  to  have  imported  for  his  own  use.  “  2 
Silver  Snuff  Boxes,  7  Gold  Rings  &  1  pr.  Christall  Buttons  in 
Gold  ”  are  very  suggestive  of  the  style  which  our  proud  burgher 
put  on  when  he  was  at  his  best.  At  length  comes  “  1  Iron 
chest,"  .£18,  which  served  for  the  family  safe  deposit.  Had  all 
of  the  silver  plate  been  itemized,  we  should  have  had  an  array 
of  table  ware  and  vessels  for  domestic  use  that  would  have  been 
burdensome  to  any  housekeeper,  each  article  bearing  the  Fan- 
euil  arms ;  but  chief  of  interest  was  Peter’s  “  large  and  heavy 
silver  punch  bowl  ”  that  he  ordered  especially  for  his  own  use. 
“  If  it  could  speak  out  in  good  French  or  English,”  says  the  Old 
Sexton,  “what  glorious  tales  it  would  tell  of  Peter,  in  all  his 
glory,  enjoying,”  as  Master  Lovell  says,  “that  divine  satisfac¬ 
tion,  which  results  from  communicating  happiness  to  others.” 
Let  no  one  think  it  was  for  show,  but  see  what  hospitality  there 
was  in  that  flowing  bowl,  by  the  inventory  of  “10  Pipes  of 
Maderia  Wine,  .£900;  2  Pipes  Wine  (one  very  ordinary)  ,£240, 
7  hhds.  Claret,  ordinary  .£150.”  But  we  must  allow  that  much 
of  this  was  for  the  trade,  after  being  sufficiently  sampled  to  be 
recommended  with  confidence.  We  have  been  assured  that 
his  hospitality  was  abundant,  and  we  doubt  it  not.  On  June  22, 
1741,  a  few  months  before  his  death,  Peter  writes  Lane  &  Smith- 
urst,  to  send  him,  “  Six  gross  of  the  very  best  London  King 
Henry’s  Cards,  and  six  half  chests  of  lemons,  for  my  house 
winter  supply.”  The  listers  find  a  good  stock  of  livery  supplies, 
viz.,  “  28  yds.  cloth,  5  Gold  Lace  hatts,  70  yds.  shalloon,  3 
yds.  kersey  with  other  trimmings,”  ,£111.  “  195  dzen  of  wine, 

arrack,  beer,  Cheshire  &  Gloucester  cheeses,”  £542.  10.  In  fact, 
Peter’s  establishment  appears  to  have  been  a  very  repository  of 
all  manner  of  elegancies,  luxuries,  and  creature  comforts.  The 
mansion  house  with  garden  and  outbuildings  was  valued  at 
.£12,375.  “A  double  warehouse  and  a  single  Ditto  on  Long 
wharf  and  part  of  the  privilege  of  said  wharf  £1600.”  The 


ACCUMULATED  WEALTH 


1 13 

stock  in  the  warehouse  was  varied  and  large.  Eight  tenements 
in  Cornhill  and  King  Street,  a  number  of  vessels,  and  parts  of 
vessels  were  also  on  the  list. 


|  of  the  Briggt.  called  the  Rochelle  £  1300 

Brigg  Flower  de  Luce  .  .  .  .  .  1100 

Sloop  Swan  ......  1000 

|  of  Sloop  Hannah  at  Nantucket  .  .  .  400 

|  of  Bilander  Young  Eagle  .....  250 

Store  at  Canso  .......  400 


Pew  No.  40  in  Trinity  Church  70,”  and  to  all  this  was  added, 
“  \  part  of  Paper  Mill  at  Milton  jQ\oo." 

The  items,  or  particular  heads  of  inventory,  number  one 
hundred  and  fifty-eight,  the  whole  making  quite  a  volume  of 
foolscap,  nicely  tied  up,  with  a  bit  of  ribbon  from  Miss  Mary 
Anne’s  ample  supply. 

The  Faneuil  estate,  like  many  another  which  has  been  thought¬ 
fully  gathered,  was  soon  scattered.  The  mansion  with  its  gar¬ 
den  and  all  that  pertained  to  it  became  the  property  of 
the  Phillips  family.  Lieutenant-governor  William  Phillips 
occupied  the  house  for  a  time.  It  belonged  to  the  Vassal 
family  during  the  Revolution,  and,  like  many  another  piece  of 
real  estate,  was  confiscated,  and  in  December,  1783,  it  was  sold 
by  the  Commonwealth  to  Isaiah  Doane.  The  silver  plate,  with 
which  the  house  abounded,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  Andrew 
and  Peter  Faneuil,  and  doubtless  to  the  pleasure  of  Miss  Fan¬ 
euil,  seems  to  have  been  divided  between  Benjamin  and  his 
sisters,  each  of  whom  had  manifest  pride  in  the  choice  pieces 
and  in  the  armorial  bearings.  The  Old  Sexton,  when  compil¬ 
ing  his  “  Dealings  with  the  Dead,”  claimed  to  have  the  memo¬ 
randum  of  the  share  which  went  to  Mrs.  Gillam  Phillips  (Marie 
Faneuil),  entitled,  “  An  account  of  my  proportion  of  plate 
belonging  to  the  estate  of  Peter  Faneuil,  Esq.  deceased.”  In 
this  is  “a  coffee  pot,  and  a  large,  handsome  chamber  pot.”  A 
part  of  Benjamin’s  share  of  the  plate  was  enjoyed  in  his  family 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


114 

and  went  in  order  to  his  only  daughter,  Mary  (Mrs.  Bethune). 
When  in  her  possession  at  Brighton,  a  quantity,  valued  at 
$3000,  was  stolen  by  burglars.  Some  days  after  the  burglary,  a 
coffee-pot  was  found  in  a  field  leading  to  the  river,  which  led 
to  the  conclusion  that  parties  came  in  a  boat  for  the  purpose 
and  carried  all,  but  what  scattered  during  the  flight,  away  to 
Boston.  This  was  in  after  years  confirmed  by  a  confession 
made  by  a  man  who  was  about  to  suffer  capital  punishment. 
The  jewels,  many  of  which  the  old  Huguenot  brought  from 
Lrance,  were  likewise  divided. 

Benjamin  Laneuil  was  not  remiss  in  providing  mourning 
rings  for  the  numerous  relatives  and  friends,  and  in  fully  carry¬ 
ing  out  the  custom  of  the  time  ;  but  he  did  not  propose  to  pay 
from  the  estate  a  sum  which  Peter  Faneuil  had  long  before  prom¬ 
ised  toward  the  erection  of  Trinity  Church,  the  plans  not  hav¬ 
ing  been  carried  out  during  his  life.  The  administrator  did  not 
recognize  the  promise  as  a  claim  against  the  estate,  but  it  was 
paid  after  a  disagreeable  lawsuit. 

Notes 

The  apparent  confusion  of  the  dates  noticed  in  this  chapter  is  due  to  the 
difference  between  the  old  style  and  the  new.  If  the  year  be  taken  to  begin 
on  the  first  of  January,  then  Peter  Faneuil  died  on  March  3,  1743,  as  inscribed 
on  the  tombstone.  But  if  it  did  not  begin  till  the  twenty-fifth  of  March,  as  it 
legally  did  not  before  1752,  when  the  new  style  was  adopted  in  Great  Britain 
and  the  provinces,  then  the  title-page  of  the  oration  and  the  records  of  the 
court  and  the  mourning  ring  are  correct,  and  Peter  Faneuil  died  in  1742. 

One  of  the  Faneuil  mourning  rings  is  in  existence,  and  now  the  property  of 
Mr.  W.  Lewis  Fraser  of  New  York,  who  purchased  it  of  a  Jew  dealer,  who  had 
found  it  in  a  pawnbroker's  shop  in  New  York  City.  It  is  of  black  enamel  on 
gold;  the  letters  are  white.  It  is  set  with  a  rose  diamond  and  two  small 
rubies.  The  inscription,  which  completely  encircles  the  ring,  is  :  — 

Peter  Faneuil,  Amor. 

Obit  1742  AL  43. 


CHAPTER  XII 


Faneuil  Hall  Market  a  Monument  to  Peter  Faneuil.  The  name  of  Faneuil 
Extinct  in  Boston,  Faneuil  Heirs.  The  Faneuils  were  Members  of  the  First 
Paper-manufacturing  Company  in  Massachusetts.  Benjamin  Faneuil  settles 
in  Brighton.  Pleasures  of  Peter  the  Second.  Alliance  with  the  Bethune 
Family.  General  Washington  and  the  Faneuils.  Faneuils  were  Loyalists, 
and  left  the  Country  with  the  King’s  Army.  Peter  Faneuil’s  Portrait  muti¬ 
lated  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Faneuils  in  Banishment. 

I  hope  what  I  have  done  will  be  for  the  service  of  the  whole  country,  and 
in  a  particular  manner  of  the  Town  of  Boston.  —  Peter  Faneuil,  September 


14,  1742. 


ETER  FANEUIL  builded  better  than  he  knew,  when  he 


J-  gave  the  hall  and  market  to  the  town  of  his  adoption.  This 
building  in  a  few  months  became  the  monument  to  the  memory 
of  the  donor,  none  having  been  erected,  since  his  death,  with 
special  reference  to  the  merchant. 

The  Faneuil  tomb  is  in  the  westerly  corner  of  Granary  Burying 
Ground  in  Boston,  near  one  belonging  to  the  Old  South  Church. 
The  portion  above  the  surface  of  the  ground  is  of  dark  freestone, 
with  a  horizontal  tablet  of  the  same  material  resting  upon  the 
rectangular  base.  This  style  of  memorial  is  often  designated 
as  a  table  monument.  Upon  the  easterly  end  there  is  a  tablet 
of  slate  upon  which  are  sculptured,  with  evident  skill,  the  family 
arms,  while  upon  the  freestone  slab  are  inscribed  at  the  top, 
“  M.  M.”  ( memento  mori),  and  at  the  lower  end  a  rude  apology  for 
the  old  Huguenot  patronymic,  “  P.  Funel  1742.”  The  above  was 
all  that  Sargent  found  there  when  he  devoted  several  chapters  to 


”5 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


1 1 6 

Peter  Faneuil,  in  “  Dealings  with  the  Dead,”  but  the  visitor  of 
to-day  finds  the  following  in  addition  :  — 

Peter  Faneuil 
March  3,  1  743. 

Jones  Davenport 
Fette. 

It  is  evident  that  the  additional  inscription  was  made  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  and  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  this  Faneuil 

tomb  is  also  the  sepulchre  of 
Peter’s  sister,  Mary  Anne 
Jones,  and  her  family,  and  also 
Anne  Faneuil,  second  wife  of 
Rev.  Addington  Davenport, 
and  possibly  the  clergyman 
himself.  The  Davenport  fam¬ 
ily  may  also  have  obtained  a 
right  in  this  sepulchre  through 
the  marriage  of  Peter  Faneuil’s 
nephew,  Benjamin  Faneuil, 
with  Jane,  daughter  of  Add¬ 
ington  Davenport  by  his  first 
marriage.  The  name  of  Fette 
being  inscribed  on  the  tablet 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  here  is  also  the  place  of  interment 
of  that  family,  which  was  allied  with  the  Faneuils. 

Sargent  says  this  tomb  is  believed  to  have  been  built  by 
Andrew  Faneuil  as  early  as  1709,  and  he  thinks  it  quite  certain 
that  the  lady  whom  the  Huguenot  married  in  Holland  and 
whose  beauty  is  traditional  was  interred  in  this  sepulchre.  Here 
Andrew  was  buried  by  Peter,  February  10,  1737,  and  Peter  was 
buried  by  his  brother  Benjamin,  March  10,  1742,  Old  Style,  and 
here  Benjamin  himself  was  laid,  after  an  interval  of  forty-two 
years.  Of  the  absence  of  inscription,  Sargent  says:  — 


Faneuil  Tomb 


FANEUIL  HEIRS 


ii  7 


“  Arms  in  those  days,  and  still  where  a  titled  nobility  exists, 
are  deemed,  for  the  popular  eye,  sufficient  evidence  of  owner¬ 
ship,  without  a  name.  So  thought  Uncle  Andrew,  and  he  left 
the  freestone  tablet  without  any  inscription.”  Sargent  further 
says  characteristically  :  “  Some  worthy  old  citizen  —  God  bless 
him  —  who  knew  rather  more  of  this  matter  than  his  neighbors, 
and  was  well  aware  that  the  arms  would  be  but  a  dead  letter  to 
posterity,  resolved  to  serve  the  public  and  remedy  the  defect. 
Up  he  goes  into  the  Granary  Ground  in  the  very  spirit  of  Old 
Mortality,  and  with  all  his  orthography  in  his  ear,  inscribed 
‘  P.  Funel  ’  upon  the  tablet.”  Time  is  rapidly  effacing  the  whole  ; 
even  the  later  inscription  shows  the  effects  of  ice  or  the  greedy 
hand  of  the  relic  hunter.1 

The  motion  of  Thomas  Hutchinson  that  “  the  hall  over  the 
market-place  be  named  Faneuil  Hall”  was  but  a  trifling  incident 
in  a  town  meeting,  but  it  proved  to  be  the  means  of  preserving 
the  name  to  all  time.  Wherever  the  word  “liberty”  is  spoken, 
there  Faneuil  Hall  is  known  and  the  name  honored.  Although 
none  of  the  family  bears  the  surname  at  the  present  time,  there 
is  no  name  more  frequently  written  and  spoken  in  Boston  to-day 
than  that  of  Faneuil.  Each  business  communication  sent  out 
from  the  stalls  of  the  busy  marketmen  bears  that  name  ;  and 
the  reader  can  but  wish  to  know  something  of  the  subsequent 
history  of  Benjamin  Faneuil  and  his  sisters  who  shared  in  that 
great  estate  left  by  their  brother. 

We  may  reasonably  conclude  that  each  of  the  five  with  their 
respective  families  enjoyed  the  pleasures  of  the  society  of 
provincial  Boston,  being  prominent  members  of  it,  until  the 
troubles  with  the  mother  country  led  to  estrangement  and  per- 

1  An  instance  is  known  to  the  author,  where  a  public-spirited  citizen,  fearing  that 
a  nameless  grave  might  sometime  be  opened  and  the  infection  —  smallpox  —  from 
which  the  man  died  be  again  started  in  the  town,  took  it  upon  himself  to  set  up  a 
slate  tablet  on  which  he  attempted  to  chisel  the  name;  but  finding  his  zeal  far  su¬ 
perior  to  his  skill,  only  cut  the  initials  P.  D.,  which  have  been  construed  to  mean 
Paid,  thereby  certifying  that  mortality  has  settled  all  obligations 


1 18 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


secution,  resulting  in  the  departure  of  many  from  the  homes 
which  they  loved.  Many  of  the  refugees,  during  the  frenzy 
of  political  excitement,  were  just  as  truly  persecuted,  for  con¬ 
science’  sake,  as  were  the  Huguenots  in  1685. 

Benjamin  Faneuil,  who  went  out  from  his  uncle’s  home  at  his 
banishment  a  single  man,  came  back  at  Peter’s  death  accom¬ 
panied  by  his  wife  and  three  children,  Benjamin,  Peter,  and 
Mary.  In  all  these  years  he  appears  to  have  been  an  active, 
progressive  citizen  of  the  province.  As  early  as  1729  we  find 
him  identified  with  the  first  movement  toward  the  manufacture 
of  paper  in  New  England.  Benjamin  Faneuil  and  Gillam 
Phillips,  his  brother-in-law,  Daniel  Henchman  and  Thomas 
Hancock,  his  son-in-law,  with  Henry  Deering,  constituted  a  com¬ 
pany  who  secured  from  the  General  Court  the  sole  privilege  of 
making  paper  within  this  province  for  a  period  of  ten  years, 
on  conditions  that  they  should  make  within  one  year  two  hun¬ 
dred  reams  of  good,  merchantable  brown  paper  and  printing 
paper,  and  also  continue  to  increase  the  quantity  from  year  to 
year.  Their  mill  went  into  operation  in  Milton,  Mass.  By  the 
inventory  of  Peter  Faneuil’s  estate  it  appears  that  he  owned  in 
1742  a  one-fifth  share  of  this  mill,  which  became  the  property 
of  Benjamin.  He  was  identified  with  the  building  of  Trinity 
Church  in  1734  at  the  corner  of  Hawley  and  Summer  streets, 
and  was  one  of  the  first  officials  of  that  society.  Soon  after 
his  Uncle  Andrew’s  death  he  went  to  England  and  France, 
keeping  up  a  correspondence  with  his  brother  Peter  while  absent. 
After  coming  into  possession  of  his  share  of  the  Faneuil  estate, 
Benjamin  purchased  about  seventy  acres  of  land  in  Little  Cam¬ 
bridge —  Brighton.  He  built  a  dwelling,  which  was  destroyed 
by  fire  through  the  treachery  of  a  servant.  He  then  built  a  very 
large  and  expensive  dwelling,  in  which  he  lived  with  his  family. 
The  panels  in  the  wainscoting  of  the  parlor  were  his  peculiar 
pride,  being  four  feet  and  four  inches  in  width,  made  from  a 
single  board.  In  the  rear  of  this  house  is  a  pond  surrounded  by 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  FANEUILS 


1 19 

a  carefully  laid  curbing.  This  pond  was  for  a  family  fish-pond, 
and  for  the  particular  gratification  of  Peter,  the  son  of  the 
owner.  This  estate  descended  to  Mr.  Faneuil’s  daughter  Mary, 
who  married,  in  1754,  George  Bethune.  In  1811  the  property 
was  owned  by  Thomas  English  and  his  wife  Penelope,  daughter 
of  George  Bethune.  It  was  sold  to  Samuel  Parkman  for  the 
use  of  his  son  John.  Here  Mr.  Harvey  D.  Parker,  who  estab¬ 
lished  the  Parker  House,  served  a  time  as  coachman.  Mr. 
Samuel  Bigelow,  in  1839,  appeared  as  the  successor  of  Parkman, 
and  the  estate  is  now  known  as  Bigelow  Hill.  The  name  of 
Faneuil  is  perpetuated  in  Brighton  by  being  attached  to  street 
and  station  and  in  various  other  ways.1  Benjamin  Faneuil  lived 
until  1786,  having  attained  the  age  of  eighty-four  years.  His 
wife  had  died  in  1777.  He  was  blind  for  the  last  twenty  years 
of  his  life,  and  took  but  little  interest  in  the  passing  events. 

From  the  Bethune  Genealogy  the  following  anecdote  is 
obtained.  When  the  British  were  in  possession  of  Boston  and 
Washington  was  in  command  at  Cambridge,  Benjamin  Faneuil 
was  an  invalid  in  his  home,  and  cared  for  by  his  daughter,  Mrs. 
Bethune,  then  a  widow.  One  afternoon  General  Washington 
and  some  of  his  officers  were  riding  by  this  place,  when  their 
attention  was  attracted  by  some  tempting  cherries,  which  they 
sampled  in  passing.  They  were  seen  by  Mrs.  Bethune,  who 
sent  her  man-servant,  with  her  compliments  to  the  general  and 
his  comrades,  with  an  invitation  to  come  in  and  eat  of  the  fruit. 
They  rode  up  to  the  door,  dismounted,  and  went  in.  She 
received  them  graciously,  giving  them  fruit,  wine,  and  cake. 
She  invited  them  to  dine  with  her  on  a  day  which  she  then 
named,  expressing  at  the  same  time  her  political  sentiments  as 
very  patriotic,  and  directly  opposing  the  position  taken  by  some 
members  of  the  family.  Washington  and  companions  accepted, 
and  appeared  there  the  day  agreed  upon.  Mrs.  Bethune  invited 

1  The  Boston  Gazette  of  March  1 6,  1767,  has  the  following:  “A  House  to  be  sold 
in  Little  Cambridge  near  Benjamin  Faneuil’s  Esqr.” 


120 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


others  to  meet  her  noted  guests,  and  all  went  on  in  a  most 
charming  manner  until,  when  the  meal  was  nearly  over,  Mr. 
Faneuil  appeared,  on  the  arm  of  his  attendant.  Having  learned 
of  the  dinner  party,  he  could  not  be  restrained,  and  hence  his 
appearance  was  a  surprise  to  his  daughter.  He  was  seated  at 
the  foot  of  the  table,  when  he  assured  the  guests  that  he  was 
happy  to  have  them  visit  the  house  and  asked  them  to  fill  their 
glasses  and  allow  him  to  drink  their  health.  After  finding 
where  Washington  and  Lee  sat,  Mr.  Faneuil  turned  to  the 
former,  and  said,  “  General  Washington,  I  respect  your  char¬ 
acter  greatly ;  you  act  from  patriotic  motives ;  I  have  not  a  word 
to  object  to  your  course.”  But  turning  short  to  where  Lee  sat, 
he  said,  “You,  General  Lee,  are  fighting  with  a  rope  around 
your  neck,”  etc.,  showing  very  plainly  that  he  regarded  him 
as  a  traitor  to  king  and  country.  When  leaving  the  house, 
Washington  called  for  an  explanation,  and  was  told  by  Mrs. 
Bethune  that  her  father  had  been  blind  and  practically  out  of 
the  world  for  twenty  years.  Drake  tells  us  that  Benjamin 
Faneuil  was  buried  from  the  mansion  house  of  Thomas  English 
in  Boston. 

Benjamin  Laneuil,  Jr.,  the  oldest  son  of  our  veteran,  was  active 
in  business  in  Boston,  having  a  store  in  Butlers’  Rowe  in  1767, 
where  he  kept  “  Tea,  Hemp,  Russia  and  Raven’s  Duck, 
sheathing,  nails,  etc.”  He  was  a  man  of  influence  and  served 
on  many  committees  entrusted  with  public  duties  of  importance. 

Both  Benjamin  and  Peter  were  in  sympathy  with  the  existing 
government,  and  were  denounced  as  Tories.  The  former  was 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  “  Loyal  Address  ”  to  Governor  Gage 
on  his  departure  October  6,  1775.  He  left  Boston  for  Halifax  at 
the  time  of  the  evacuation.  The  Old  Sexton  says  Benjamin’s 
wife  was  Jane,  daughter  of  Addington  Davenport  by  his  first 
wife,  Jane,  who  was  a  daughter  of  Grove  Hirst,  and  sister  of 
Lady  Mary  Peppered.  Benjamin  Faneuil  and  wife  lived  for 
several  years  in  England,  chiefly  in  Bristol,  where  he  died. 


THE  FANEUILS  LOYALISTS 


I  2  I 


Peter,  the  younger  child  of  Benjamin,  left  the  country  as  a 
Tory,  was  for  a  time  in  the  West  Indies,  but  was  never  in 
good  health,  and  finally  returned  to  America  and  completed  his 
life  at  the  home  of  his  sister  at  Brighton. 

When  it  was  found  by  the  patriots  that  the  Faneuils,  nephews 
of  Peter,  had  left  the  country  with  the  British  army,  a  company 
of  people,  moved  by  an  ill-directed  sentiment,  went  to  Faneuil 
Hall  and  destroyed  the  painting  of  Peter  Faneuil,  placed  there 
by  the  town  in  honor  of  the  donor.  These  Faneuil  brothers 
loved  Boston  and  the  provinces,  but  could  not  hastily  give  up 
allegiance  to  England,  whose  people  had  been  so  friendly  to  the 
Huguenots  in  their  time  of  distress. 

The  sisters  of  Peter  Faneuil  with  their  families  sympathized 
with  the  king.  Marie,  Mrs.  Phillips,  lived  at  Cambridge,  a 
widow,  for  several  years,  and  died  there  in  April,  1778.  Susan¬ 
nah,  Mrs.  Boutineau,  went  with  her  husband  to  England,  where 
he  died  about  1784. 

Anne,  Mrs.  Davenport,  was  a  widow  before  the  Revolution, 
and  probably  remained  in  this  country. 

Mary  Anne,  who  married  John  Jones  in  the  same  month  of 
the  death  of  her  brother  Peter,  resided  in  Roxbury.  She  was  a 
refugee,  and  lived  for  some  time  at  Windsor,  N.S. 

The  correspondence  of  these  refugees  serves  to  throw  light 
upon  the  condition  of  many  of  the  people  who  cast  in  their 
lot  with  the  king’s  army  at  the  time  of  the  evacuation.  Ben¬ 
jamin  Faneuil  writes  to  his  aunt,  Mrs.  Jones:  — 


March  9,  1777. 

“  I  cannot  say  I  am  very  sorry,  for  your  disappointment,  in 
missing  your  passage  to  England,  for  unless  you  could  bring  a 
barrel  of  guineas,  you  are  much  better  anywhere  than  here.  .  .  . 
As  soon  as  the  Christmas  holidays  were  over  we  presented  a 
petition  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury,  setting  forth  our  suffer¬ 
ing,  and  praying  for  a  support,  till  the  affairs  in  America  are 


I  22 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


settled.  This  method  was  taken  by  the  Council,  and  indeed  by 
all  refugees.  Within  these  few  days,  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury 
have  agreed  to  allow,  for  the  present,  Chief  Justice  Oliver 
£400  a  year,  Lieut.  Governor  Oliver,  and  Mr.  Flucker  ^300, 
the  Council,  (Mr.  Boutineau  among  the  rest,)  ^200,  the 
refugees  in  general  ^100,  some  only  £50.  Our  affairs  are  not 
yet  absolutely  determined,  on  account  of  Lord  North’s  sickness, 
but  we  are  told  we  shall  be  tuckt  in,  between  the  Council  and 
the  refugees,  and  be  allowed  ,£150  a  year.  This  is  a  very  poor 
affair,  and  we  can  by  no  means  live  upon  it ;  but  there  are  such 
a  confounded  parcel  of  us,  to  be  provided  for,  that  I  am  told  no 
more  will  be  allowed.  Should  there  be  an  opportunity  of  writ¬ 
ing  to  Boston,  I  should  take  it  kind,  if  cousin  Betsey  would 
write  to  my  father  and  let  him  know  what  I  now  write,  and  give 
our  loves  to  Mr.  Bethunes’  family,  and  my  Aunt  Phillips.  I  do 
not  mention  my  poor  mother,  as,  from  the  accounts  I  have 
received,  I  doubt  whether  she  be  living  at  this  time.  When  we 
shall  be  able  to  return  to  Boston,  I  cannot  say,  but  hope  and 
believe  it  will  not  exceed  one  year  more,  for  sooner  or  later, 
America  will  be  conquered,  and  on  that  they  may  depend.”  1 

We  here  see  the  representatives  of  Peter  Faneuil  almost 
beggars  in  a  strange  land,  longing  to  return  to  America,  which 
they  firmly  believe  must  yield  to  the  superior  power  of  the 
mother  country. 

Note 

“  At  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  1 100  Loyalists  retired  to  Nova  Scotia,  of  whom  102 
were  men  in  official  station,  1 8  were  clergymen,  213  were  merchants  and  traders  of 
Boston,  382  were  farmers  and  mechanics,  in  great  part  from  the  country.  There 
were  no  better  men  and  women  in  Massachusetts  as  regards  intelligence,  substantial 
good  purpose  and  piety.  Their  stake  in  the  country  was  greater  even  than  that  of 
their  opponents;  their  patriotism,  no  doubt,  was  fully *as  fervent.” 

—  Sabine’s  “American  Loyalists.” 

1  This  record  is  largely  drawn  from  “  Dealings  with  the  Dead  ”  by  a  “  Sexton  of 
the  Old  School.” 


CHAPTER  XIII 


Faneuil  Hall  Town  Meetings.  Named  Cradle  of  Liberty.  First  Intima¬ 
tion  of  the  Revolution.  Protest  against  Stamp  Act.  Festivities  at  the 
Repeal.  Portraits  of  Friends  in  Parliament  procured  and  hung  in  Hall. 
Gratitude  for  Preservation  of  Hall.  Loss  of  Portraits  during  the  Siege.  List 
of  Famous  Meetings  in  Faneuil  Hall.  General  Howe  and  Boston  Negroes. 
Count  D'Estaing  and  other  French  Officers.  Boston  Merchants  entertain  the 
French.  Washington’s  Birthday  celebrated  in  1784.  African  Preacher  in 
Faneuil  Hall  in  1789.  Lafayette  Dinner  in  1784.  Washington  Banquet  in 
1789.  John  Adams  honored  in  1797.  ’Lection  Day  Dinner.  School  Visitors 
dined.  The  Grasshopper.  Earthquake  of  1755.  Celebration  of  1793. 

“  May  Faneuil  Hall  ever  stand,  a  monument  to  teach  the  world  that  resist¬ 
ance  to  oppression  is  a  duty,  and  will  under  true  republican  institutions  be¬ 
come  a  blessing.”  —  Lafayette. 

IT  was  in  the  town  meetings  held  in  the  first  Faneuil  Hall, 
in  the  presence  of  the  “full  length  picture”  of  Peter  Fan- 
euil,  that  the  many  heated  discussions  in  regard  to  the  market 
w'ere  held.  While  the  voters  could  not  but  appreciate  the 
advantages  of  the  spacious  and  well-equipped  hall,1  the  time 
had  not  yet  come  for  them  to  realize  the  full  benefit  of  the 
donor’s  purpose  in  giving  the  market.  All  town  business  sub¬ 
mitted  to  the  voters  was  discussed  in  the  hall,  and  it  appears 
that  in  1756  they  were  taking  steps  for  an  improvement  in  the 
general  conduct  of  affairs  in  the  town  as  well  as  in  the  special 
management  of  the  marketing.  An  article  in  the  warrant  for 
the  March  meeting  of  that  year  was  to  see  “  whether  any  more 
effectual  method  than  is  always  prescribed  by  law  can  be  taken 
for  promoting  a  more  general  reformation  of  manners.”  But 

1  The  hall  was  illuminated  in  September,  1760,  at  a  jubilee  because  of  the  reduc¬ 
tion  of  Canada. 


123 


124 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


it  remained  for  the  second  or  rebuilt  Faneuil  Hall  to  become 
the  scene  of  those  meetings  and  events  which  have  given  Bos¬ 
ton  world-wide  fame.  We  have  seen  that  at  the  formal  open¬ 
ing  in  1763  James  Otis  was  the  speaker,  and  that  he  was  soon 
followed  by  Rev.  Samuel  Mather  in  the  interests  of  the  poor 
and  distressed,  worthy  names  and  subjects  to  head  the  memor¬ 
able  list.  The  voters  again  entered  upon  the  enjoyment  of  the 
hall  for  their  regular  town  meetings,  but  the  discussion  of  local 
matters  soon  merged  into  those  where  liberty  of  speech  was  not 
restricted  to  voters,  but  where  expression  was  freely  given  to 
the  popular  feeling  which  gave  rise  to  the  name  Cradle  of 
Liberty.  The  hall  proved  none  too  large  for  ordinary  business 
meetings,  and  on  special  occasions  was  not  nearly  large  enough. 
There  were  one  thousand  and  eighty-nine  voters  who  had  part 
in  the  election  of  representatives  to  the  General  Court  in  May, 
1763.  In  the  following  February  we  find  that  they  passed  a 
unanimous  vote  to  Rev.  George  Whitefield  “  for  his  chari¬ 
table  care  and  pains  in  collecting  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
in  Great  Britain  for  the  distressed  sufferers  of  the  great  fire  in 
Boston  in  1760.”  The  Chief  Justice  secured  the  use  of  the  hall 
in  September,  1 764,  in  which  to  hold  court. 

The  smallpox  was  distressing  the  town,  so  much  so  that  the 
General  Court,  in  1764,  was  held  at  Concord;  the  town  repre¬ 
sentatives  being  Royal  Tyler,  James  Otis,  Thomas  Cushing, 
and  Oxenbridge  Thacher,  Esqrs.  In  the  instructions  given  to 
these  representatives  appears  the  first  intimation  of  the  on¬ 
coming  storm  of  the  Revolution,  of  which  record  was  made  in 
Faneuil  Hall.  “You  will  use  your  endeavours  to  have  a  law 
passed  whereby  the  seats  of  such  gentlemen  as  shall  accept  of 
Posts  of  Profit  from  the  Crown,  or  the  Governor,  while  they 
are  Members  of  the  House  shall  be  vacated  agreeable  to  an  act 
of  the  British  Parliament  until  their  associates  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  reelecting  them  if  they  please.”  After  setting 
forth  the  expenses  of  the  province  in  the  French  War,  they  say: 


PROTEST  AGAINST  STAMP  ACT 


125 


“  Our  Trade  has  for  a  long  time  laboured  under  great  Discour¬ 
agements,  and  it  is  with  the  deepest  concern  that  we  see  such 
further  Difficulties  coming  upon  us,  as  will  reduce  it  to  the 
lowest  Ebb,  if  not  totally  obstruct  and  ruin  it.  .  .  .  We  there¬ 
fore  expect  that  you  will  use  your  earliest  endeavours  in  the 
General  Assembly  that  such  methods  may  be  taken  as  will 
effectually  prevent  their  proceedings  against  us.  By  a  proper 
Representation  we  apprehend  it  may  easily  be  made  to  appear 
that  such  measures  will  prove  detrimental  to  Great  Britain 
itself,  upon  which  account  we  have  reason  to  hope  that  an 
Application  even  for  the  repeal  of  the  Act,  should  it  be  already 
passed,  will  be  successful.”  When  realizing  that  their  hopes 
were  not  well  founded,  that  the  Stamp  Act  had  been  passed, 
and  that  some  of  the  townspeople  had  vented  the  popular 
indignation  by  acts  of  violence,  the  voters  made  their  way  to 
Faneuil  Hall,  and  with  James  Otis  as  their  moderator,  on 
August  27,  1765,  they  protested  against  “the  extraordinary  and 
violent  proceedings  of  a  number  of  Persons  unknown,  against 
some  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  same,  the  last  night.”  While 
the  law-abiding  people  did  not  hesitate  to  denounce  the  Stamp 
Act  in  the  interest  of  that  liberty  which  they  had  the  right  to 
enjoy  as  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  they  would  not  counte¬ 
nance  lawless  demonstrations. 

On  the  1 2th  of  September  the  voters  were  again  in  session 
in  Faneuil  Hall,  and  unanimously  voted  to  instruct  their  Repre¬ 
sentatives  “as  to  their  conduct  at  this  very  alarming  crisis.” 
Thus  they  went  on  in  that  hall,  step  by  step,  with  firm  but 
well-advised  protests  and  petitions,  until  we  find  them,  the  fol¬ 
lowing  spring,  when  the  act  was  repealed,  there  assembled  to 
sing  the  praises  of  their  king.  The  hall  and  very  many  other 
public,  as  well  as  private,  buildings  were  illuminated  in  recogni¬ 
tion  of  the  consideration  thus  shown  them  by  Parliament.  Here 
they  passed  resolutions  of  gratitude  for  the  repeal,  and  in  special 
recognition  of  the  efforts  on  the  part  of  Right  Honorable  Gen- 


126 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


eral  Conway,  one  of  his  Majesty’s  principal  secretaries  of  state, 
and  Colonel  Isaac  Barre,  a  member  of  Parliament,  they  re¬ 
quested  portraits  of  these  friends  of  the  colonies  to  be  placed 
in  Laneuil  Hall  “as  a  Standing  Monument  to  all  Posterity,  of 
the  virtue  and  Justice  of  our  Benefactors,  and  a  lasting  proof  of 
our  Gratitude.”  These  were  secured  and  added  to  the  adorn¬ 
ments  of  the  hall.  Another  ornament  was  the  picture  of  King 
George  II.,  during  whose  reign  the  house  was  built.  That  of 
William  Shirley,  governor  of  the  province  when  the  house  was 
built,  and  a  particular  friend  of  Peter  Laneuil,  was  also  given  a 
conspicuous  place  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

The  Boston  Gazette  of  March  1 8,  1767,  has  the  following 
account  of  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  repeal  of 
the  Stamp  Act:  “In  the  afternoon,  by  vote  of  the  town,  a 
profusion  of  wines  and  other  liquors  was  prepared  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  to  collect  the  genuine  sons  of  Liberty,  to  celebrate  this 
happy  festival.  Accordingly  a  large  company  of  the  principal 
inhabitants,  crowded,  that  spacious  apartment,  and  with  loud 
huzzas,  and  repeated  acclamations  at  each  of  the  twenty-five 
toasts,  saluted  the  glorious  and  memorable  patrons  of  America, 
particularly  those  who  distinguished  themselves  in  the  cause  of 
Liberty  while  we  were  groaning  under  the  iron  hand  of  oppres¬ 
sion.  At  the  close  of  the  day  the  company  retired  to  different 
houses  to  conclude  the  festivity  with  collations  provided  at  the 
private  expense  of  some  opulent  gentlemen.  Faneuil  Hall  was 
illuminated  and  several  houses,  but  the  Tree  of  Liberty  chiefly 
attracted  the  notice  of  the  town.” 

The  men  conducting  town  business  at  this  time  are  Samuel 
Adams,  John  Hancock,  John  Ruddock,  Samuel  Sewall,  Joshua 
Henshaw,  Benjamin  Kent,  and  others,  whose  names  have 
become  household  words.  They  showed  the  principle  which 
actuated  them,  when  they  refused  the  use  of  Laneuil  Hall  to 
his  Excellency  the  governor  and  Council  on  the  evening  of 
Election  Day,  unless  they  could  be  assured  that  the  commis- 


MEETINGS  IN  FANEUIL  HALL 


127 


sioners  of  customs  or  their  attendants  were  not  to  be  invited. 
They  were  all  busy  men,  and  their  warehouses,  shops,  and  offices 
were  in  close  proximity  to  Faneuil  Hall,  and  their  voices  and 
services  were  never  withheld  when  duty  called.  The  largest 
and  boldest  meeting  of  the  period  was  held  June  14,  1768,  when 
James  Otis  was  moderator,  and  a  protest  was  formally  made 
against  the  revenue  laws,  and  a  request  forcibly  made  that  the 
Romney  be  removed  from  the  harbor. 

There  were  stirring  times  in  Dock  Square  when  it  became 
known  that  a  large  force  of  British  troops  had  been  ordered  to 
Boston.  A  convention  of  representatives  from  nearly  every 
town  in  the  province  was  in  session  for  a  week,  but  Governor 
Bernard  refused  to  recognize  the  convention,  yet  it  went  on  in 
a  perfectly  orderly  manner. 

On  September  30,  1768,  seven  warships  came  into  the  harbor 
with  two  full  regiments  of  troops,  the  Fourteenth  and  Twenty- 
ninth,  on  board,  and  upon  landing  in  the  town  the  latter  en¬ 
camped  on  Boston  Common.  Even  the  presence  of  these 
troops  was  a  great  annoyance  to  the  people  ;  but  when  Colonel 
Dalrymple  demanded  Faneuil  Hall  as  quarters  for  the  Four¬ 
teenth  Regiment,  the  selectmen  refused  to  grant  his  demand  ; 
but  their  authority  was  overruled,  and  the  spacious  hall  was 
turned  into  a  barrack  for  the  king’s  troops,  and  was  used  for 
that  purpose  until  the  third  day  of  November. 

For  the  next  year  town  meetings  were  frequent  and  charac¬ 
terized  by  strong  feeling ;  but  good  order  and  peace  prevailed 
in  the  town  until,  in  the  winter  and  spring  of  1770,  the  soldiery 
and  the  populace  began  to  clash.  On  February  22  a  disturb¬ 
ance  resulted  in  wounding  Samuel  Gore,  and  killing  Christopher 
Snider,  a  boy  about  eleven  years  of  age.  Two  men,  Richardson 
and  Wilmot,  were  charged  with  the  crime  and  publicly  examined 
in  Faneuil  Hall  before  Justices  Ruddock,  Dana,  Quincy,  and 
Pemberton.  Richardson  was  adjudged  guilty  and  committed  to 
jail,  but  was  pardoned  two  years  later  by  Governor  Thomas 


128 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Hutchinson.  On  the  evening  of  the  fifth  of  March  occurred 
the  events  known  as  the  Boston  Massacre.  On  the  follow¬ 
ing  day  Faneuil  Hall  was  the  scene  of  a  memorable  meeting, 
“  perhaps  the  most  dramatic  scene  in  all  history.”  The  formal 
warrant  and  seven  days’  notice  were  overruled.  It  was  a  mass¬ 
meeting.  The  news  had  spread  so  rapidly  that  the  people  had 
congregated  and  clamored  for  an  opportunity  to  give  formal 
expression  to  their  feelings.  The  concourse  was  so  great  that 
the  hall  would  not  contain  them,  and  they  adjourned  to 
Dr.  Sewall’s  Meeting  House  —  Old  South.  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  wait  upon  the  governor  and  demand  a  withdrawal 
of  the  troops  from  the  town.  Samuel  Adams  was  at  the  head 
of  the  committee,  who  succeeded  in  their  demands. 

The  body  of  Attucks,  one  of  the  victims  of  the  Massacre, 
was  placed  in  Faneuil  Hall  awaiting  the  burial,  which  occurred 
three  days  after  the  event.  When  the  hearse  rolled  away  from 
Faneuil  Hall  over  to  King  Street,  and  there  met  three  more  in 
which  were  the  bodies  of  Maverick,  Gray,  and  Caldwell,  the 
dead  were  followed  by  “  the  largest  company  of  people  that  were 
ever  assembled  for  a  similar  purpose  on  this  continent.”  The 
interment  was  in  Granary  Burying  Ground.  On  the  tenth 
instant  the  voters  met  in  the  hall,  after  their  legal  form,  and 
took  action  “relative  to  the  massacre  in  King  Street.” 

It  was  on  Friday,  November  5th,  1773,  that  the  first  of  a 
series  of  tea  meetings  was  held  in  Faneuil  Hall.  John  Hancock 
was  moderator.  The  petition  of  a  large  number  of  the  inhabit¬ 
ants  was  presented,  setting  forth  “that  they  are  justly  alarmed 
at  the  report  that  the  East  India  Company  in  London  are  about 
shipping  a  cargo  or  cargoes  of  Tea  into  this  and  the  other 
colonies,  and  that  they  esteem  it  a  political  plan  of  the  British 
Administration  whereby  they  have  reason  to  fear  not  only  that 
the  trade  upon  which  they  depend  for  a  subsistence  is  threat¬ 
ened  to  be  totally  destroyed  ;  but  what  is  much  more  than 
anything  in  life  to  be  dreaded,  the  Tribute  laid  upon  the 


MEETINGS  IN  FANEUIL  HALL 


129 


importations  of  that  Article  will  be  fixed  and  established,  and 
our  liberties  for  which  we  have  long  struggled,  will  be  lost  to 
them  and  their  posterity.”  Handbills,  called  “The  Tradesmens 
Protest  against  the  Proceedings  of  the  Merchants  relative  to 
the  new  Importations  of  Tea,”  had  been  distributed,  and  caused 
intensity  of  feeling.  The  tradesmen  present,  to  the  number  of 
about  four  hundred,  were  directed  to  collect  at  the  south  side 
of  the  hall,  when  they  were  asked  if  they  would  acknowledge 
the  paper,  and  they  unanimously  denied  it  and  declared  it  to 
be  false,  scandalous,  and  base.  The  meeting  then  adopted  a 
series  of  resolutions  already  accepted  by  citizens  of  Phila¬ 
delphia.  Article  sixth  is,  “  Resolved  that  it  is  the  Duty  of 
every  American  to  oppose  this  attempt.”  The  seventh  de¬ 
nounces  every  person  who  shall  in  any  way  attempt  to  aid  the 
East  India  Company  as  an  “  enemy  to  America.”  The  resolu¬ 
tions  conclude  by  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  wait  on 
the  gentlemen  selected  by  the  East  India  Company  to  receive 
and  sell  tea,  and  to  “  request  them  from  a  regard  to  their  own 
characters  and  the  peace  and  good  order  of  this  town  and 
Province,  immediately  to  resign  their  appointment.” 

Among  those  called  upon  for  this  purpose  was  Benjamin 
Faneuil,  a  nephew  of  Peter  Faneuil.  This  meeting  continued 
by  adjournment  from  hour  to  hour  and  date  to  date  until  it  was 
dissolved  on  the  nth  instant.  Another  meeting  was  held  on 
the  1 8th,  when  the  consignees  reported  by  letter,  which  was 
voted  unsatisfactory,  and  the  meeting  was  dissolved.  The  tea- 
ships  arrived,  and  the  people  exerted  themselves  to  prevent 
violent  measures  ;  but  while  they  were  holding  a  meeting  on 
December  16,  at  Old  South  Meeting  House  (Faneuil  Hall 
being  too  small),  a  company  of  citizens  in  disguise  met  at  the 
wharf  and  threw  the  tea  overboard. 

During  the  tea  troubles,  Governor  Thomas  Hutchinson 
became  very  unpopular  and  was  recalled,  being  succeeded  by 
Thomas  Gage,  who,  as  captain-general  and  governor  of 


130 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Massachusetts,  landed  at  Long  Wharf,  being  cordially  welcomed 
and  dined  at  Laneuil  Hall,  where  an  elegant  feast,  with  loyal 
toasts,  etc.,  was  conducted.  The  kindly  feelings,  if  they  did 
really  exist,  were  soon  dismissed  when  it  was  fully  realized  that 
the  new  governor  was  here  to  enforce  the  Port  Bill,  which  the 
town  in  Laneuil  Hall  had  denounced  only  four  days  before  the 
arrival  of  the  governor.  From  this  town  meeting  was  issued  a 
circular  letter  to  “  the  several  towns  of  this  Province,  and  to  the 
several  colonies,  acquainting  them  with  the  present  state  of  our 
affairs.”  It  was  from  previous  and  subsequent  town  meetings 
in  Faneuil  Hall  that  circulars  were  sent  out  which  resulted  in 
enlisting  the  sympathy  and  securing  the  cooperation  of  the 
entire  people. 

It  was  during  the  political  excitement  that  Rev.  John  Murray, 
the  first  avowed  preacher  in  New  England  of  ultimate  and  uni¬ 
versal  salvation,  arrived  in  Boston  and  preached  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

The  Port  Bill  went  into  effect  on  June  i,  1774,  and  a  melan¬ 
choly  period  began.  In  August  there  was  a  meeting  of  delegates 
from  Worcester,  Essex,  and  Middlesex  counties,  and  of  the  Com¬ 
mittee  of  Correspondence  of  Suffolk  County.  During  these 
months  the  citizens  of  Boston  were  frequently  in  session  in  the 
hall,  devising  ways  and  means  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed. 
On  June  27,  when  correspondence  with  towns  was  to  be  con¬ 
sidered,  the  hall  was  too  small  and  the  meeting  adjourned  to  the 
Old  South  Meeting  House. 

When  assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall,  the  people  made  record  of 
their  gratitude  to  different  towns  for  aid  for  the  relief  of  the 
poor  —  a  notable  instance  being  that  of  Windham  in  Connecti¬ 
cut,  which  sent  258  sheep. 

On  October  24,  1774,  the  anniversary  of  the  king’s  birth, 
there  was  a  grand  concert  in  Faneuil  Hall  in  honor  of  royalty. 

The  regular  town  meeting  for  the  transaction  of  town  affairs 
and  a  Port  Bill  meeting  were  kept  alive  by  adjournment  for 
several  months,  and  the  Court  of  Admiralty  held  session  here 


GENERAL  HOWE 


131 

for  the  trial  of  pirates  and  robbers;  and  Faneuil  Hall  was  the 
scene  of  much  business  of  vital  importance,  until  there  came 
a  change  through  the  opening  of  hostilities  on  April  19,  1775. 
During  the  siege  the  hall  was  used  as  a  storehouse  for  arms  and 
furniture.  It  was  a  sorrowful  day  for  the  Bostonians  when 
they  went  to  Faneuil  Hall  to  surrender  their  arms  to  officers 
appointed  by  General  Gage.  It  was  also  used  for  a  theatre 
for  the  entertainment  of  British  officers  and  Loyalists  who 
abandoned  their  homes  and  centred  in  Boston  under  protection 
of  the  king’s  army.  The  tragedy  of  “  Zara  ”  and  the  comedy 
of  “The  Busy  Body  ”  were  frequently  given,  and  a  local  farce, 
written  by  General  Burgoyne,  entitled  the  “  Blockade  of  Boston  ” 
had  one  or  more  presentations. 

When  playing  Burgoyne’s  farce,  a  person  came  forward  to- 
the  footlights  and  with  earnestness  announced  that  “the  Yan¬ 
kees  are  attacking  Bunker  Hill.”  The  deluded  audience  thought 
this  was  a  part  of  the  play,  and  cheered  the  speaker,  but  when 
they  saw  that  he  meant  to  report  a  solemn  reality  the  audience 
dispersed. 

The  annual  town  meeting  of  March  5,  1776,  for  the  Massacre 
oration,  was  held  at  Watertown;  but  the  British  having  evacuated 
the  town  on  the  17th  instant,  the  town  meeting  for  the  choice 
of  officers  and  other  business  was  held  in  the  Old  Brick  Meeting 
House  on  the  29th.  It  was  here,  and  not  in  Faneuil  Hall,  that 
the  voters  agreed,  on  May  23,  “that  if  the  Honble.  Continen¬ 
tal  Congress  should,  for  the  safety  of  the  Colonies,  declare  them 
Independent  of  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  they,  the  inhabit¬ 
ants,  will  solemnly  engage  with  their  lives  and  fortunes  to  sup¬ 
port  them  in  their  measure.” 

We  must  ever  be  grateful  to  General  Howe  that  Faneuil  Hall 
was  left  to  us  in  respectable  condition.  Although  he  issued 
orders  to  his  men  that  the  first  soldier  detected  plundering 
houses  would  be  hanged  upon  the  spot,  the  portraits  already 
mentioned  as  hanging  in  Faneuil  Hall  were  never  seen  in  Bos- 


132 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


ton  after  the  evacuation.  It  has,  however,  been  alleged  that  the 
portrait  of  Peter  Faneuil  was  mutilated  by  those  who  were 
incensed  because  the  nephews  of  Peter  Faneuil  left  the  country 
as  Tories.  A  copy  of  a  portrait  of  the  generous  donor  of 
the  hall  was  later  obtained  and  given  a  place  of  honor,  which 
it  has  occupied  until  the  present  time.  Steel  engravings  of  the 
Right  Honorable  Isaac  Barre  and  Field  Marshal  Conway  have 
since  been  procured  and  presented  to  the  city,  and  are  seen  in 
one  of  the  apartments  of  the  hall. 

General  Howe  summoned  all  the  negroes  of  the  town  to  meet 
at  Faneuil  Hall  to  organize  a  scavenger  party,  but  Oscar  Mer- 
riam,  who  had  been  instructed  in  the  Whig  doctrine,  remon¬ 
strated  against  any  such  service,  and  was  put  in  jail  for  his 
patriotic  utterances. 

It  was  nearly  a  year  after  the  evacuation  of  Boston  before 
the  town  held  its  meetings  in  Faneuil  Hall,  the  Old  Brick 
Meeting  House  being  used  for  business  gatherings.  On  April  2, 
1777,  a  French  teacher  was  granted  the  use  of  the  hall  in  which 
to  deliver  an  oration  in  French. 

In  August,  1778,  Count  D’Estaing,  the  French  admiral,  with 
about  five  hundred  officers  and  other  dignitaries,  was  feasted  in 
Faneuil  Hall  at  the  expense  of  John  Hancock,  who  had  but 
recently  returned  to  his  home  after  his  service  as  president  of 
the  Continental  Congress. 

In  July  the  fluctuation  of  currency  was  so  annoying  to  busi¬ 
ness  men  that  there  was  a  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall  to  regulate 
prices.  The  following  were  established  :  - — 


£,  -r- 


Windward  Rum  per  gallon  . 

6  6 

New  England  Rum  per  gallon 

4  16 

Molasses  per  gallon 

4  7 

Coffee  per  pound 

0  18 

Brown  Sugar  .... 

0  14 

Bohea  Tea  . 

0  15 

Salt  per  bbl.  .... 

0  9 

Indian  Corn  per  bushel 

4  10 

Peter  Faneuil 


From  the  Painting  by  Sargent  in  Faneuil  Hall 


WASHINGTON  BANQUET 


133 


Rye  per  bushel  ........60 

Beef  per  lb.  . ..06 

Mutton  per  lb.  ........  o  4 

Butter  per  lb  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  012 

Cheese  per  lb.  ........  o  6 

Milk  per  qt.  ........02 

Hay  per  cwt.  ........20 

Labor  per  day  ........50 

Cost  for  1  pr.  leather  breeches  .  .  .  .  .  1  15 


The  lottery  was  a  thing  of  common  occurrence  at  this  time, 
and  Faneuil  Hall  was  granted  in  which  to  conduct  the  game  of 
chance. 

On  June  2,  1779,  Mr.  Wendell  had  the  use  of  the  hall  “  for 
drawing  State  Lottery.”  On  November  14,  1780,  Deacon 
Newell  was  granted  the  hall  for  the  “drawing  in  the  Boston 
Pier  Lottery.” 

On  October  3,  1781,  the  merchants  of  Boston  entertained  the 
French  officers  with  a  banquet  in  Faneuil  Hall,  in  recognition  of 
the  protection  they  had  given  to  the  trade  of  the  Commonwealth. 

In  February,  1784,  Washington’s  birthday,  succeeding  the 
Treaty  of  Peace,  was  observed  by  illuminating  Faneuil  Hall. 

In  July,  1786,  Mr.  Grant  and  Mr.  Adams  were  made  a  com¬ 
mittee  to  order  the  necessary  repairs  at  the  top  of  Faneuil  Hall, 
and  were  authorized  to  purchase  a  suitable  bell  to  be  hung  in 
the  cupola ;  from  this  we  infer  that  the  income  from  the  lottery 
had  not  been  sufficient  to  supply  the  market  bell,  the  one  given 
with  the  house  by  Peter  Faneuil  having  been  rendered  useless 
by  the  fire  of  1761. 

When  George  Washington,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Continental  Army,  entered  Boston  in  March,  1776,  after  the 
evacuation,  he  expressed  himself  as  grateful  for  the  good  con¬ 
dition  of  Faneuil  Hall.  And  when  he  came  in  1789,  as  the 
first  President  of  the  United  States,  he  was  banqueted  in  the 
same  hall,  when  many  noted  guests  and  old  soldiers  again  met 
him  face  to  face,  and  exchanged  cordial  greetings. 


134 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


The  “’Lection  Day”  dinner,  compliments  of  Governor  Han¬ 
cock,  were  occasions  when  nothing  was  withheld  that  could  con¬ 
tribute  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  guests  or  public  favor  of  the 
first  governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

“July  6  1764:  Voted.  That  a  Dinner  be  provided  at  Faneuil 
Hall  for  about  50  gentlemen,  on  the  day  for  visiting  schools, 
and  that  Mr.  Bellard  shall  have  the  dressing  thereof,  and  also 
furnish  the  Liquor  that  may  be  wanted.”  In  the  visitation  of 
the  next  year  there  were  added  to  the  company  who  were  dined 
at  the  town’s  expense  in  Faneuil  Hall,  “The  fathers  of  the  chil¬ 
dren  who  are  in  the  highest  forms,  and  will  leave  school  this 
season.” —  Toivn  Records. 

The  dinners  served  and  toasts  drunk  in  Faneuil  Hall,  already 
mentioned,  were  enough  to  make  the  house  famous,  but  they 
were  few  in  comparison  with  those  less  noted  complimentary 
feasts  spread  for  the  school  committee  and  their  associates,  who 
found  in  this  gratuity  sufficient  compensation  for  their  services, 
at  least  until  the  time  came  when  they  were  to  provide  their 
own  drinks. 

In  the  year  1784  the  merchants  of  Boston  gave  a  dinner  in 
Faneuil  Hall  in  honor  of  Lafayette.  At  each  toast  thirteen 
cannon  were  discharged  in  Market  Square  by  the  train  of  artil¬ 
lery  under  the  direction  of  Major  Davis.  A  picture  of  Wash¬ 
ington  had  been  concealed  by  drapery,  and  when  in  the  course 
of  the  banquet  it  was  unveiled,  the  Marquis  rose  to  his  feet, 
clapped  his  hands,  and  manifested  much  tender  emotion  as  he 
gazed  on  the  features  of  his  old  commander.  An  ornament  of 
the  hall  not  before  mentioned  was  the  bust  of  President  Wash¬ 
ington,  placed  there  about  ten  years  before  he  completed  his 
life  work.  The  bust  was  a  gift  of  Mr.  Christian  Gallager. 

The  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  held  some  of  its  early 
meetings  in  Laneuil  Hall  from  1792  to  1794. 

In  1792,  when  the  smallpox  became  prevalent  in  Boston,  and 
threatened  to  depopulate  the  town  as  it  had  in  early  time,  a 


CELEBRATION  OF  1793 


135 


meeting  was  called  in  Faneuil  Hall  to  take  measures  to  prevent 
the  spread  of  the  epidemic. 

In  1793,  in  January,  after  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI.  in 
France,  the  sympathizers  in  Boston  with  the  revolutionary 
movement  had  a  great  celebration.  In  the  month  of  January, 
an  ox  of  one  thousand  pounds’  weight  was  roasted  whole 
and  carried  on  a  cart,  twenty  feet  high  and  drawn  by  fifteen 
horses,  through  the  streets,  followed  by  other  teams  carry¬ 
ing  hogsheads  of  punch  drawn  by  six  horses  each,  and  a  cart 
loaded  with  bread.  This  was  served  from  a  table  spread  in 
State  Street.  While  this  demonstration  was  attracting  a  great 
concourse  of  people,  there  was  a  select  minority  of  the  friends 
of  equality  to  the  number  of  about  four  hundred,  who  had  an 
elaborate  dinner  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Samuel  Adams  acted  as 
president  of  the  occasion.  Elaborate  decorations  were  pre¬ 
pared  by  a  gentleman  named  Walters. 

On  August  9,  1797,  John  Adams  was  honored  as  President 
of  the  United  States  by  a  celebration  and  banquet  in  Faneuil 
Hall.  This  was  not  confined  to  the  people  of  Boston,  but  the 
entire  State  was  represented  in  this  testimonial  of  regard  to 
their  favored  citizen. 

A  suggestive  intimation  of  the  condition  of  the  negro  popu¬ 
lation  of  Boston  during  and  soon  after  the  Revolution  is  seen 
in  the  incident,  already  cited,  of  one’s  refusal  to  serve  General 
Howe  in  a  scavenger  party,  and  also  in  the  fact,  recorded  by 
the  selectmen,  that  on  February  n,  1789,  an  application  was 
made  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  “by  a  number  of  Blacks,  to 
hear  an  African  Preacher,  lately  arrived  with  a  good  recom¬ 
mendation.”  The  hall  was  granted  for  this  purpose,  on  condi¬ 
tion  “  that  the  meeting  be  held  in  daylight,  and  that  no  oppor¬ 
tunity  may  be  given  rude  fellows  to  make  a  disturbance.” 

Later  in  the  same  month  it  is  recorded,  “  On  application  of  a 
respectable  number  of  inhabitants,  the  blacks  are  permitted  to 
make  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  for  the  purpose  of  public  worship 


136 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


one  day  in  the  week,  provided  it  be  on  Tuesday  or  on  a  Friday, 
and  in  the  afternoon,  or  until  otherwise  ordered.” 

Before  taking  leave  of  the  ancient  structure,  let  us  take  a  look 
upward  and  see  the  cupola  and  bell-deck  occupying  the  centre 
of  the  roof,  and  above  it,  the  weather-vane.  This  grasshopper 
has  ever  been  so  important  a  feature  of  Dock  Square  that,  not 
infrequently,  the  marketmen  have  found  their  place  of  business 
denominated  “  the  grasshopper  market.”  This  magnified 
grasshopper  was  made  of  sheet-copper,  hammered  by  hand  by 
that  “  cunning  artificer,”  Deacon  Shem  Drowne,  in  the  year 
1742.  It  has  withstood  the  vicissitudes  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty-six  years.  This  grasshopper  has  never  become  a  burden, 
although  it  has,  on  several  occasions,  narrowly  escaped  destruc¬ 
tion.  In  the  autumn  of  1755,  when  Boston  was  shaken  to  its 
foundations  by  an  earthquake,1  this  insect  was  thrown  to  the 
ground,  but  rallied  minus  one  leg,  which  was  supplied  by  a  son 
of  Shem  Drowne,  by  virtue  of  a  vote  of  the  selectmen  in  May, 
1756,  “To  fix  up  the  vane  upon  the  market,  which  was  thrown 
down  by  the  great  earthquake  of  the  18th  of  November  last, 
and  repair  the  steeple.”  It  seems  to  have  passed  through  the 
fire  of  1761  with  but  slight  damage,  and  in  March,  1889,  on  the 
anniversary  of  the  evacuation,  when  the  flag  was  being  lowered, 
the  grasshopper  fell  to  the  street  and  was  somewhat  damaged. 
It  has  been  taken  down  for  repairs  on  other  occasions,  and  its 
record,  in  addition  to  that  already  given,  is  here  added.  It  was 
repaired  by  L.  Vinal  in  1852,  when  it  was  stuffed  with  coins 
and  papers  which  came  to  light  during  the  repairs  of  1889,  when 
Frank  A.  Worthly  supplied  new  eyes,  horns,  and  two  new  feet. 
When  taken  from  its  lofty  position  in  1898,  preparatory  to  the 
general  rebuilding,  the  vane  presented  a  most  weatherbeaten 
appearance  ;  but  by  the  skilful  workmanship  of  E.  B.  Badger 
&  Sons,  coppersmiths  of  Pitts  Street,  it  was  repaired  and  placed 

1  The  same  that  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  Lisbon,  where  sixty  thousand  per¬ 
sons  perished. 


THE  GRASSHOPPER 


137 


upon  its  time-honored  perch.  It  received  in  1899,  one  new  leg, 
a  splice  on  its  tongue,  a  patch  on  its  body,  and  was  re-gilded. 
On  one  of  the  occasions  when  the  grasshopper  was  undergoing 
repairs,  a  paper  was  taken  from  its  vest  pocket,  on  which  was 
the  following  record  as  far  as  can  be  deciphered.  It  is  a  little 
faulty  on  dates,  but  of  sufficient  interest  to  be  given  here  :  — - 
“  Shem  Drowne  made  it,  May  25,  1742. 1  To  my  brethren 

and  fellow  Grasshopper.  Fell  in  ye  year  1753  [1755]  Nov1'  18, 
early  in  ye  morning  by  a  great  earthquake  by  my  Old  Master 
above.  .  .  .  Again  Like  to  have  met  with  my  Utter  Ruin  by  fire, 
but  hopping  Timely  from  my  Public  Scituation,  came  of  with 


Master’s  son  Thomas  Drowne  June  28,  1768,  and  though  I  will 
promise  to  Discharge  my  Office,  yet  I  shall  vary  as  ye  wind.” 

Various  reasons  have  been  given  for  the  selection  of  the 
peculiar  design  —  a  grasshopper  —  for  the  weather-vane.  The 
fact  that  Peter  F'aneuil’s  motive  in  giving  a  market  was  to 
accommodate  the  agriculturists  has  been  a  satisfactory  reason 
to  many.  Others  have  thought  it  was  patterned  after  one  in 
London.  Some  have  thought  that  the  design  of  a  grasshopper 
was  to  be  seen  on  the  Faneuils’  crest,  but  the  cause,  which 
savors  of  romance,  is  the  following  :  — 

“  When  Shem  Drowne  was  a  boy,  he  became  discouraged  with 
his  repeated  failures  in  the  New  World,  and  going  out  into  the 

1  Shem  Drowne  died  in  1774,  aged  ninety  years. 


138 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


country,  he  lay  down  to  sleep  in  an  open  field,  and  was  awak¬ 
ened  by  a  boy  chasing  a  grasshopper.  Shem  became  interested 
in  the  sport  and  acquainted  with  the  boy,  who  was  the  son  of  a 
wealthy  man,  and  accompanied  him  to  his  home,  where  he  had 
supper,  and  was  later  adopted  by  the  boy’s  parents.  When  he 
became  a  successful  coppersmith,  he  made  the  weather-vane  in 
commemoration  of  the  part  a  grasshopper  had  in  the  turning 
incident  of  his  life.” 

Boston  people  are  supposed  to  know  what  the  vane  of  Fan- 
euil  Hall  represents.  Samuel  Cooper,  when  American  consul 
at  Glasgow,  tested  some  men  who  applied  to  him  for  aid. 
Claiming  to  be  sailors  from  Boston  and  in  need  of  assistance, 
they  applied  to  the  consul,  who,  being  somewhat  suspicious  of 
them,  asked  if  they  could  tell  him  what  the  weather-vane  on 
Faneuil  Hall  was.  The  first  said  it  was  a  fish,  the  second 
declared  it  to  be  a  horse,  but  the  third  said  it  was  a  grasshopper. 
Upon  this  Mr.  Cooper  decided  that  the  last  was  the  only  Boston 
man  in  the  trio,  and  said,  “  I  will  give  you  all  the  assistance  you 
need,  but  the  other  men  will  have  to  walk  to  Boston  for  all  me. 
Any  man  who  claims  to  be  a  Bostonian  and  can’t  tell  what  the 
Faneuil  Hall  weather-vane  is,  must  be  an  impostor.” 


CHAPTER  XIV 


Faneuil  Hall  Market  through  the  Revolution.  Stallkeepers  and  the  Tories. 
Street  Lamps  set  up  in  Boston.  Tallow  needed  for  the  Manufacture  of  Can¬ 
dles.  Droves  of  Sheep  from  Connecticut  for  the  Poor.  Supplies  from  the 
Country  Towns.  Stalls  occupied  Gratis.  Market  Regulations  after  the  Evacua¬ 
tion.  Stallkeepers  of  1776.  Relief  allowed  by  the  General  Court.  Changes 
in  Market  Customs.  Rules  as  to  the  Quantity  of  Meat  which  should  be  con¬ 
sumed  in  a  Day.  The  Meagreness  of  the  Market.  The  Fish  Market.  Strug¬ 
gle  with  Forestallers.  Rules  adopted.  Cage  for  Criminals  set  up  in  the 
Market-place.  Opening  of  Charles  River  Bridge  in  1786  affected  the  Market. 

“  In  old  Faneuil,  that  guild  temple  of  traders  and  aldermen,  butchers  and 
clerks,  hucksters  and  civic  magistrates,  the  spirit  of  the  people  conceived  an 
embryonic  nation.”  —  Weeijen. 


ANEUIL  HALL  MARKET  was  an  institution  of  impor- 


tance  during  the  Revolutionary  period.  We  have  seen  that 
it  was  at  this  time  that  the  hall  received  its  honored  place  in 
history,  and  the  market,  although  serving  a  widely  different  pur¬ 
pose,  became  more  firmly  established,  for  the  citizens  abandoned 
the  market  contest  and  entered  upon  the  struggle  for  liberty. 

War  always  creates  a  demand  for  food  supplies  when  the 
army  is  stationed  at  a  distance.  Leading  merchants  of  Boston 
of  an  earlier  period  made  their  fortunes  in  supplying  garrisons 
in  Nova  Scotia  and  elsewhere.  Boston  itself  was  now  made  a 
garrison  in  the  interests  of  the  king.  Army  rations  that  came 
by  water  sufficed  for  the  rank  and  file,  but  the  officers  of  the 
king’s  army  had  the  best  the  town  afforded.  The  period  begin¬ 
ning  with  the  Stamp  Act,  and  extending  to  the  closing  of  the  port 
of  Boston,  was  one  of  depression  along  the  line  of  commercial 


i39 


140 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


interests,  and  there  was  complete  stagnation  from  the  blockade 
until  the  evacuation  ;  but  the  stallkeeper  of  Faneuil  Hall  Mar¬ 
ket  was  free  to  admit  that  business  was  good,  or,  at  least,  that 
there  was  a  great  demand  with  consequent  high  prices,  but  the 
supply  was  limited. 

Colonel  Dalrymple  and  others  who  went  about  the  town 
decked  out  with  the  king’s  gold  lace  and  buttons  enjoyed  all 
the  luxuries  of  the  market,  and  there  was  no  reason  why  their 
money  should  not  procure  them,  until  open  hostilities  created  so 
strong  a  sentiment  that  many  keepers  of  the  stalls  would  pre¬ 
fer  to  see  their  goods  perish  rather  than  go  to  feed  the  minions 
of  the  king.  With  knife  in  hand,  and  block  before  them,  the 
marketmen  did  not  hesitate  to  hold  arguments  with  the  opu¬ 
lent  Tories,  who,  decked  out  like  show  figures  in  a  tailor’s  win¬ 
dow,  predicted  the  utter  subjection  of  the  rebels  and  triumph 
of  the  mother  country.  Being  salaried  officials,  they  were  will¬ 
ing  subjects  of  the  king,  but  their  authority  had  ceased  to  be 
regarded  by  their  enraged  neighbors,  and  they  had  vacated 
their  mansions  out  of  town  and  taken  up  temporary  abodes 
nearer  the  quarters  of  military  authority. 

The  butchers  were  frequently  detected  in  violation  of  their 
agreement  to  bring  in  all  hides  and  tallow  to  the  Boston  tan¬ 
ners  and  tallow  chandlers,  and  they  were  more  closely  watched 
when  the  supply  of  whale-oil  began  to  fail  and  the  demand  for 
tallow  candles  to  increase. 

The  subject  of  street  lamps  was  one  that  now  began  to  exer¬ 
cise  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  a  committee  for  the  purpose 
reported  at  the  March  town  meeting  of  1773  —  “that  for  the 
convenience  and  safety  of  the  inhabitants  and  their  property  it 
would  be  advisable  for  the  town  to  erect  300  street  lamps  in 
commodious  places.”  The  estimated  cost  of  erecting  them  was 
30X.  each,  and  it  was  thought  that  each  lamp  would  require  ten 
gallons  of  oil  annually.  The  lamps,  which  were  globes  in  form, 
were  procured  by  subscription,  and  located  throughout  the 


DROVES  OF  SHEEP  FOR  THE  POOR  141 

town  by  a  committee  for  that  purpose.  John  Rowe,  Esq.,  was 
leader  in  this  business,  and  John  Boylston,  a  former  citizen  of 
Boston,  but  then  resident  of  London,  was  the  town’s  agent  in 
procuring  the  lamps  and  shipping  them  to  America.  These 
lamps,  which  required  so  much  illuminating  fluid,  were  set  and 
lighted  just  in  time  for  the  convenience  of  the  town  when 
British  soldiers  were  patrolling  the  streets. 

The  tallow  chandlers’  business  in  Boston  at  this  time  was  of 
as  great  importance  as  when  Benjamin  Franklin  cut  candle- 
wicks  in  his  father’s  shop.  The  extent  of  the  manufacture  of 
candles  depended  upon  the  raw  material  at  hand,  and  delin¬ 
quent  butchers  were  summoned  before  the  selectmen  to  answer 
to  charges  preferred  against  them  at  the  instigation  of  the  tal¬ 
low  chandlers.  John  Bryant,  a  butcher,  who  lived  at  Little 
Cambridge  (Brighton),1  doing  his  slaughtering  there,  and  occu¬ 
pying  two  stalls  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  was  found  guilty  of 
repeated  violations  of  the  “  hide  and  tallow  agreement,”  and 
was  expelled  from  the  market  in  1771. 

After  the  Port  Bill  went  into  effect,  June  1774,  provisions  for 
the  citizens  of  the  town  became  so  scarce  that  the  manner  of 
vending  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  struggle  to  procure  food  at 
all. 

To  be  sure  a  large  part  of  the  wealthy  people  abandoned  all, 
and  left  the  town,  while  many  of  the  poor  were  sent  out  by  the 
officials  to  be  provided  for  by  the  country  people  at  their  homes. 
But  there  were  many  who  felt  obliged  to  remain  in  Boston  to 
protect  their  real  estate  and  other  interests.  Distress  was  soon 
felt  in  the  town,  and  there  were  many  good  citizens  who  looked 
upon  the  rations  of  the  king’s  army  with  intense  longing,  and 
extreme  means  were  resorted  to  in  order  to  obtain  the  neces¬ 
saries  of  life.  When  the  flocks  of  sheep  were  driven  from 

1  The  slaughtering  industry  at  Brighton  dates  from  the  occupation  of  Cambridge 
by  the  provincial  army  under  Washington,  during  the  siege  of  Boston.  Jonathan 
Winship  established  the  market,  and  took  large  contracts  for  supplying  beef. 


142 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Connecticut  and  elsewhere  by  Israel  Putnam  and  other  friends 
of  the  patriot  cause,  they  must  be  slaughtered  before  the  con¬ 
sumer  could  realize  benefits  from  the  donations.  This  made 
business  for  the  butchers,  and  the  selectmen  were  kept  em¬ 
ployed  in  dividing  out  the  mutton  to  the  hungry  people,  for  not 
only  Boston  but  Charlestown  people  were  to  be  fed,  and  even 
Medford  put  in  a  petition  for  a  share.  But  there  came  a  time, 
early  in  1775,  when  the  people  had  reached  a  great  extremity, 
and  there  was  such  a  cry  for  fresh  beef  (Faneuil  Hall  Market 
being  as  bare  as  the  cupboard  of  the  traditional  Mother  Hub¬ 
bard),  that  it  was  decided  to  sacrifice  an  animal  belonging  to  the 
town,  which  was  credited  with  having  attained  the  age  of  twenty 
years.  Even  the  flesh  from  this  patriarch  was  denied  the  com¬ 
mon  people,  and  was  sold  in  small  quantities  to  the  generals 
and  other  officers  at  18T.  sterling  per  pound.  To  say  the  least 
in  its  commendation,  it  had  staying  qualities.  Perhaps  Gen¬ 
eral  Gage  in  Brattle  Square,  with  his  subordinates,  Howe,  Clin¬ 
ton,  and  Burgoyne,  had  many  a  lengthy  discussion,  while  vainly 
trying  to  extract  nourishment  from  the  dearly  bought  muscles. 

Many  of  the  donations  from  the  country  towns  were  in  such 
forms  as  to  require  the  services  of  neither  the  butcher  nor  mar- 
ketmen.  Cash  was  commonly  sent  from  remote  localities,  but 
frequently  accompanied  by  provisions.  The  towns  near  Boston 
were  particular  to  send  supplies  for  family  use. 

In  one  week’s  report,  Marlboro  was  credited  with  1  pr.  shoes, 
3  quarters  Beef,  24  Bu.  Rye  &  5P  Bu.  Indian  Meal,  80  lbs. 
Cheese,  1  Bu.  Malt. 

Roxbury  sent  51  lbs.  Pork,  5  cords  wood,  18  Bu.  Potatoes, 
6  Doz  Cabbages,  1  Bu.  Turnips. 

The  reports  of  another  week  have  the  following :  — 

Rutland  Dis.  Worcester  County,  4  Quarters  Beef. 

Dorchester.  Capt.  Lemuel  Robinson,  12  Quarters  Beef.  A 
Person  unknown,  25  carcasses  mutton. 

North  Kingston.  70  Sheep. 


SUPPLIES  FROM  COUNTRY  TOWNS 


H3 


New  York.  130  Rbls.  flour,  9  Bbls.  Pork,  12  firkins  Butter, 
21  Bbls.  Grain:  per  Capt.  Barnard.  214  Bbls.  flour,  24  Casks 
Bread,  22  Casks  Rye  Meal,  5  Hhds.  Indian  Meal,  4  Tons  Iron, 
2  Bbls.  Pork,  16  firkins  Butter,  1  Pipe  Brandy,  per  Capt. 
Linsley. 

In  another  week  there  was  received  from  — 

Billerica.  51  Bu.  Grain.  Westford.  40  Bu.  grain. 

Lexington.  61  Cords  Wood.  Reading.  26  Loads  wood,  &  7 
lbs.  Pork. 

Dorchester.  25  Cords  wood,  5  pair  Shoes. 

Stoughton.  17  Loads  wood. 

During  the  week  reported  on  Feb.  27,  1775  :  — 

Brookfield.  19  Bu.  Corn. 

Marlboro.  80  Bu.  grain,  36  lbs.  Cheese,  61  lbs.  Pork. 

Milton.  55  Loads  wood  (containing  24  cords). 

Littleton.  26  Bu.  grain,  1  checked  Handkerchief  (home 
made),  1  lb.  Pink  flowers. 

Brookline.  9  Bu.  Corn,  1  Cord  Wood,  i8|-  Bu.  Potatoes, 
48  Cabbages. 

Cambridge.  37  Bu.  Grain,  7  pair  mens’  shoes,  4  Loads  wood, 
2  Bu.  Potatoes,  1  Bu.  Turnips. 

Concord.  118  Bu.  meal. 

Lunenburg.  4  Bu.  Wheat,  82  Rye,  2  Bu.  Indian. 

Lincoln.  29  Bu.  Meal,  19  Loads  wood. 

Dracut.  45^  Bu.  Meal. 

Acton.  41 1-  Bu.  Grain,  3  lbs.  Pork  &  Beef. 

Shrewsbury.  53  Bu.  Grain. 

Stoughton.  80  lbs.  Cheese,  13^  Bu.  corn,  4  Bu.  Rye,  17 
Loads  wood,  2  Bu.  Potatoes,  1  Bu.  Turnips. 

Brookline.  2  fat  sheep,  2  C.  Rice. 

Bolton.  33  Bu.  grain. 

Malden.  Rev.  Mr.  Eliakim’s  Parish,  1  pr.  Womens  shoes,  2 
Loads  wood,  1  Ton  Hay. 

Lancaster.  78  Bu.  grain. 


144 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Sturbridge.  8  Cheese,  2  Bbls.  &  i  Bag  Indian  Meal,  5  Bbls. 
&  1  Tierce  Rye  &  Wheat  flour,  1  Bbl.  Pork,  1  Bbl.  Malt. 

Roxbury  2d.  Parish.  3  Bu.  grain,  13^  Cords  wood,  40  lbs. 

cheese. 

Brookline.  1  Load  Wood. 

Medway  East  Parish.  53.J  lbs  cheese. 

Danvers,  No.  Parish.  10  pr.  shoes,  8J  yds.  check,  2  oz. 
thread,  4  pr.  Moose  Breeches. 

Dedham.  46  Cords  Wood. 

A  month  previous  to  the  evacuation,  the  selectmen  voted  to 
allow  persons  to  occupy  stalls  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market  gratis, 
providing  they  were  not  guilty  of  forestalling,  and  would  bring 
in  their  provisions  and  dispose  of  them  to  the  inhabitants  in 
large  or  small  quantities,  agreeable  to  the  act  to  prevent  mo¬ 
nopoly.  On  June  5,  1776,  when  the  town  was  again  free  from 
the  king’s  army  and  the  haughty  loyalists,  the  selectmen 
appointed  Messrs.  Scollay  and  Austin  a  committee  “  to  regulate 
the  market.”  It  was  a  time  of  reconstruction  generally,  and 
on  September  23  the  butchers  were  ordered  to  attend  a  meeting 
of  the  selectmen  “  to  settle  what  stalls  they  are  respectively  to 
hold  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market  and  the  terms.”  The  go-as-you- 
please  course  was  no  longer  to  be  tolerated.  The  old  question 
of  giving  local  tanners  the  first  chance  to  purchase  the  hides, 
and  local  tallow  chandlers  to  buy  the  tallow,  was  again  before 
the  meeting,  and  it  was  then  agreed  that  “the  tanners  should 
allow  2  ”  (two  shillings)  “  per  hide  for  carting  them  into  the 
town  or  elsewhere.” — 

The  following  is  a  list  of  those  who  had  stalls  in  Faneuil  Hall 
Market  beginning  with  September  23,  1776:  — 


Thomas  Mayo 
Nathaniel  Faxon 
John  Hildredth 
Lemuel  Burrel 
Jeremiah  Parker 
Elijah  White 


a  Lease  for  two  stalls  No.  1  &  1 1  at  6/8  per  month 
“  “  “  2  “  10  “  15/  “ 

“  “  “  3  “  9  “  1 6/ 3  “  “ 

“  “  “  13  “  21  “  15/  “  “ 

“  “  “  14  “20  “16/3  “  “ 

“  “  “  15  “  19  “  16/3  “  “ 


RELIEF  ALLOWED  BY  GENERAL  COURT  145 


Later  we  find  Harry  Coolidge  in  stalls  No.  4  and  8,  and  in  a 
short  time  he  was  succeeded  by  Shubael  Hewes. 

Provisions  were  so  scarce  and  dear  that  only  the  very  wealthy, 
who  had  returned  to  the  town  with  something  in  their  purses, 
could  afford  to  buy  of  the  stallkeepers,  when  they  had  any¬ 
thing  to  sell.  It  was  in  the  autumn  of  1777  that  the  General 
Court  empowered  the  commissary-general  to  furnish  the  select¬ 
men  a  quantity  of  flour  and  corn  for  the  distressed  people  in 
the  town.  Those  town  officials  made  an  agreement  with  Mr. 
Shubael  Hewes,1  one  of  the  stallkeepers,  in  regard  to  a  meat 
supply  as  follows  :  — 

Hewes  was  to  have  the  south  market,  at  twenty  shillings  per 
annum,  for  the  purpose  of  killing  cattle  and  preparing  the  meat, 
promising  and  engaging  with  the  selectmen  that  the  hides  and 
tallow  of  all  cattle  slaughtered  there  should  be  sold  green  for 
the  use  of  the  manufacturers  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  that 
he  would  dispose  of  the  meat  at  his  stall  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market 
to  the  inhabitants  for  one  penny  per  pound  profit,  and  he  was 
to  leave  the  slaughter-house  in  as  good  repair  as  he  found  it. 

While  the  motive  underlying  the  contract  was  of  the  very  best, 
it  is  evident  to  any  successor  of  the  Revolutionary  marketmen, 
that  such  regulations  could  not  long  be  carried  out,  and  we  find 
that  at  the  close  of  the  year  it  became  necessary  for  the  citizens 
to  direct  the  selectmen  to  see  that  the  butchers  were  fulfilling 
their  contract. 

Up  to  this  time  the  market  had  not  been  intended  as  a  place 
for  the  keeping,  exposed  for  sale,  small  cuts  of  meat,  from  day 
to  day,  but  it  was  chiefly  a  place  where  the  seller  came  with 
goods  to  meet  the  buyer,  the  butcher  having  a  stall  where 

1  Shubael  Hewes,  brother  of  George  Robert  Twelves  Hewes,  was  the  “  butchers’ 
master-general”  in  the  town  during  the  siege.  His  shop  was  at  the  corner  of  Wash¬ 
ington  Street  and  Harvard  Place,  opposite  the  Old  South,  in  an  old  building  with  a 
projecting  upper  story.  His  slaughter-house  was  connected  with  his  shop.  When 
his  stock  was  reduced  to  six  head  of  cattle  for  troops  and  inhabitants,  the  situation 
began  to  be  alarming. 


146 


FAN  Ell  I L  HALL  AND  MARKET 


he  could  be  found  prepared  to  sell  the  meat  which  he  had 
slaughtered  out  of  town.  But  at  the  close  of  that  year  action 
was  taken  toward  making  arrangements  with  the  butchers  and 
stall  occupants  “  respecting  the  meat  that  is  cut  up  and  may  be 
left  at  the  market.” 

A  general  act  of  the  province  in  1779  to  prevent  monopoly 
had  its  effect  upon  the  stallkeepers.  Forestalling  was  the 
difficulty,  the  same  trouble  that  came  so  near  occasioning  the 
loss  of  Peter  Faneuil’s  proffered  gift  of  the  market.  Circum¬ 
stances  now  brought  on  a  more  aggravated  case  of  it,  and  a 
memorial  of  the  town  of  Boston  in  regard  to  it,  entered  at  the 
General  Court,  has  the  following  strong  language:  — 

“Your  memorialists  are  sure  their  uncommon  sufferings  are 
greatly  increased  by  the  more  than  brutish  conduct  of  those 
wretches,  within  a  few  miles  of  this  Capital,  known  in  the  odious 
character  of  forestalled,  who  lost  to  the  feelings  of  humanity, 
purchase  from  those  at  a  distance  and  retail  it  out  to  those 
unhappy,  distressed  inhabitants,  at  a  price  suited  to  their  unfeel¬ 
ing  hearts,  and  many  of  them  add  insult  to  their  extortion.” 

As  a  remedy  for  the  serious  condition  at  this  time  it  was  pro¬ 
posed  to  subscribe  to  the  following  resolutions.  That  the  opulent 
have  no  more  than  two  dishes  of  meat  on  the  same  day,  on  their 
table,  and  avoid  the  use  of  poultry  and  every  superfluity,  as  much 
as  possible ;  that  the  inhabitants  agree  universally  to  make  two 
dinners  a  week  on  fish,  if  to  be  had. 

While  there  are  always  two  sides  to  all  questions,  the  people 
of  Boston,  who  were  continually  crying  out  against  forestalled, 
or  middlemen,  seemed  to  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  even  this 
despised  class  found  it  almost  impossible  to  obtain  supplies  at 
any  rate,  and,  if  at  all,  at  great  disadvantage.  They  had  always 
depended  upon  the  country,  within  a  limited  radius  of  Boston, 
for  their  supply  of  fresh  meat  in  the  summer  season,  but  a 
broader  area  was  drawn  from  in  cold  weather.  During  the  war, 
the  cattle  raised  for  Boston  market  were  bought  up  and  driven 


MEAGRENESS  OF  THE  MARKET 


147 


away  to  supply  the  army,  outside  of  Massachusetts,  and  the 
men  who  had  contributed  supplies  to  the  seaport  were  away  in 
the  service  of  their  country.  The  market,  at  this  period,  when 
at  its  best  was  a  meagre  one.  Self-denial  seemed  to  be  enjoined 
upon  all.  There  was  one  occasion,  however,  which  was  trying 
to  the  most  patriotic  man  of  the  country,  who,  although  never 
without  plenty  of  coin  in  his  pocket,  was  driven  to  great  ex¬ 
tremity.  John  Hancock,  the  merchant  prince  of  Boston,  who 
risked  his  life  and  fortune  in  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  served 
gratuitously  as  president  of  the  Continental  Congress  for  more 
than  two  years,  and  returned  to  Boston  to  find  his  warehouse 
and  wharves  in  ashes,  was  desirous  of  doing  another  magnani¬ 
mous  thing  in  the  interest  of  his  country.  The  occasion  was 
the  visit  of  Count  D’Estaing  and  the  French  allies,  mentioned 
in  the  previous  chapter.  John  Hancock  wished  to  extend  to  the 
officials  the  courtesies  due  such  friendly  visitors,  and  also  main¬ 
tain  the  honor  of  Boston  and  of  the  United  Colonies.  He 
canvassed  the  market,  but  saw  no  prospect  of  obtaining  anything 
there  suitable  for  the  occasion,  and  in  this  extremity  he  wrote 
to  a  friend  at  a  distance. 


“  Monday  Noon,  30  August ,  1778. 

“Dear  Sir  :  The  Philistines  are  coming  upon  me  on  Wednes¬ 
day  next  at  Dinner.  To  be  Serious,  the  Ambassador  &c.,  &c., 
&c.,  are  to  Dine  with  me  on  Wednesday,  and  I  have  nothing  to 
give  them,  nor  from  the  present  prospect  of  our  Market  do  I 
see  that  I  shall  be  able  to  get  any  thing  in  Town ;  I  must  beg 
the  favr  of  you  to  Recommend  to  my  Man  Harry  where  he  can 
get  some  Chickens,  Ducks,-  Geese,  Hams,  Partridges,  Mutton,  or 
any  thing  that  will  save  my  Reputation  in  a  Dinner,  and  by  all 
means  some  Butter ;  Be  so  good  as  to  help  me,  and  you  will 
much  oblige  me  ;  is  there  any  good  Mellons  or  Peaches,  or  any 
good  fruit,  near  you?  Your  advice  to  Harry  will  much  oblige 
me  ;  Excuse  me,  I  am  very  troublesome  ;  Can  I  get  a  good 


148 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Turkey;  I  walkcl  in  Town  to-day;  I  dine  on  board  the  French 
Frigate  to-morrow;  so  you  see  how  I  have  Recovered. 

“  God  bless  you  ;  if  you  see  any  thing  good  at  Providence,  do 
Buy  it  for  me.  I  am  Your  Real  friend. 

“John  Hancock.”1 

After  about  forty  years  of  uncertainty,  the  market  seems  to 
have  become  a  permanent  institution.  Beginning  with  the  year 
1780,  there  may  he  detected  a  general  revival  of  interest  in 
various  lines  of  business,  particularly  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market. 

There  was  an  increase  in  all  town  rents,  and  a  greater  demand 
for  stalls  in  the  market  and  stands  in  the  square.  Stalls  rented 
from  jQ 8  to  £  1 2J  per  annum,  and  stands  were  readily  taken  at  gs. 
per  month.  This  was  but  the  natural  outcome  of  what  promised 
to  be  a  more  stable  government.  The  State  constitution  was 
adopted,  and  John  Hancock  was  elected  the  first  governor  of  the 
State,  and  families  had  returned  to  their  abandoned  homes,  and 
a  new  era  had  dawned.  In  July,  1782,  it  appears  that  the  rent 
for  stalls  had  been  increased  by  fifty  per  cent  over  that  of  1774, 
and  was  made  payable  monthly,  and  it  was  stipulated  that  a 
failure  to  comply  with  the  regulation  should  be  immediately 
followed  by  expulsion.  The  fishermen  were  to  pay  for  their 
boxes  3x.  per  month,  after  the  fifth  day  of  June,  1782.  The 
stallkeepers  had  their  petty  grievances,  which  were  adjusted 
in  a  manner  similar  to  that  of  a  century  later.  Mr.  Hewes, 
keeper  of  a  fish-market,  appeared  with  several  others  before  the 
selectmen  and  complained  that  Mr.  Woodward  was  shutting  up 
the  dock  where  his  market  was  located,  and  the  offender  was 
immediately  reprimanded  by  the  officials.  It  is  of  interest  to 
note  that  the  fishermen  had  early  consideration  in  the  market, 
and  the  “  Staple  of  the  Massachusetts  ”  was  duly  recognized. 
At  the  time  when  the  selectmen  were  making  arrangements  for 
the  best  accommodations  of  the  fish-market  at  Boston,  negotia- 

1  From  “  Family  Memorials,”  by  Edward  E.  Salisbury. 


THE  FISH  MARKET 


149 


tions  for  peace  were  going  on  at  Paris,  and  John  Adams  was 
fighting  for  the  fishing  interests  of  his  country,  naturally  enough 
“the  codfish  rose  to  the  surface,’’  and  the  interests  of  the  fisher¬ 
men  had  home  protection.  When  it  became  known  that  John 
Adams  had  gained  the  victory,  and  these  interests  of  Massachu¬ 
setts  were  made  secure,  the  codfish  was  in  everybody’s  mouth. 
Even  the  governor  kept  open  doors  at  the  Hancock  mansion 
on  the  days  when  he,  with  his  young  wife  (Dorothy  Quincy) 
gave  their  famous  codfish  dinner  ;  and  no  one  doubts  that  the 
princely  master  of  that  house,  even  in  the  most  stringent  times, 
furnished  enough  good  Madeira  to  wash  it  down  and  wet  the 
dryest  whistle  that  essayed  to  sound  the  praise  of  the  governor’s 
favorite  dish.  To  be  rated  at  that  time  as  of  the  “Codfish 
Aristocracy  ”  was  to  be  accorded  the  greatest  honor,  and  accord¬ 
ing  to  historical  etymology  it  is  misapplied  when  used  as  a  term 
of  reproach.  As  one  brave  act  of  a  public  servant,  resulting  in 
victory,  places  him  in  many  a  seat  of  honor,  so  the  victory  for 
the  codfish  gave  it  an  elevated  position  in  the  old  State  House. 
We  read  in  the  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Wednesday,  March  17,  1784:  — 

“  Mr.  Rowe  moved  the  House  that  leave  might  be  given  to 
hang  up  the  representation  of  a  Cod  Fish  in  the  room  where 
the  House  sit,  as  a  memorial  of  the  importance  of  the  Cod  Fish¬ 
ery  to  the  welfare  of  this  Commonwealth,  as  had  been  usual 
formerly.  The  said  motion  having  been  seconded,  the  question 
was  put,  and  leave  given  for  the  purpose  aforesaid.”  After 
more  than  a  century  we  find  the  emblematic  cod  occupying  an 
exalted  position  in  the  new  Representative  Chamber  at  the  State 
H  ouse,  while  the  people  delight  to  feast  upon  their  favorite 
dish,  which  has  its  rightful  place  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market. 

In  March,  1783,  the  voters  of  the  town  put  themselves  on 
record  in  favor  of  better  regulations  for  all  departments  of  the 
public  market  and  adopted  more  effectual  means  for  enforcing 
the  rules.  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  together  with  the  square  about 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


150 

it,  was  assigned  as  the  place  for  trade  in  meats,  vegetables,  etc., 
while  other  places  were  set  apart  for  wood,  hay,  and  other  needful 
commodities ;  and  one  marketman  could  not  infringe  upon  the 
rights  of  another  without  being  liable  to  arrest  and  punishment 
by  the  court.  To  remove  temptation  from  the  vender  a  fine 
was  imposed  upon  any  person  who  should  offer  to  buy  goods 
from  marketmen  in  other  than  the  prescribed  locality.  In  order 
that  these  regulations,  like  many  before  made,  might  not  fail  of 
producing  the  desired  results,  it  was  arranged  to  have  annually 
chosen  “  Some  active-spirited  and  faithful  person  who  shall  be 
called  the  inspector  of  the  market,  whose  duty  it  shall  be 
to  carry  the  several  by-laws  and  orders  of  the  town,  touching 
the  arrangements  of  the  market,  into  constant  effect,  and  in 
order  thereto  he  shall  make  it  his  daily  duty  and  employment  to 
be  in  attendance  at  the  market.”  This  market  official  was  to 
be  well  paid  for  his  services,  and  the  fines  collected  for  violation 
of  rules  were  to  be  applied  to  the  support  and  maintenance  of 
the  several  departments  of  the  market. 

Even  these  sumptuary  regulations  did  not  meet  with  univer¬ 
sal  approval,  and  in  December,  1785,  Mr.  Nazro,  the  clerk  of 
the  market,  was  directed  to  remove  Messrs.  Coolidge  and  Rob¬ 
inson  from  their  stalls  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market.  The  vacated 
stalls  were  at  once  leased  to  Abijah  Brown,  there  being  now 
more  applications  for  market  space  than  could  be  readily  sup¬ 
plied.  It  soon  became  necessary  for  the  clerk  to  notify  Mr. 
Bryant  and  other  stallkeepers  that  they  must  cease  from  pick¬ 
ing  and  packing  provisions  in  the  market-house  or  within  the 
rails,  and  if  they  continued  to  do  so,  Mr.  Nazro  was  ordered  to 
“  burn  their  barrels  without  the  rails.” 

It  was  not  long  before  a  most  salutary  object-lesson  was 
placed  before  the  eyes  of  the  marketmen.  “  The  selectmen  upon 
application  from  the  Justice  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions  for 
the  County  of  Suffolk  thro’  Mr.  Price,  have  granted  liberty  for 
a  temporary  use  of  the  east  part  of  Market  Square  for  the 


OPENING  OF  CHARLES  RIVER  BRIDGE  151 


placing  a  cage  for  the  punishment  of  criminals.”  The  market 
received  a  favorable  impulse  by  the  opening  of  Charles  River 
bridge  in  1786,  which  afforded  a  more  convenient  route  for 
travel ;  previous  to  that  time  the  farmers  were  restricted  to  Bos¬ 
ton  Neck,  and  the  limited  accommodations  of  the  ferry.  A 
pressing  demand  for  stalls  in  June,  1787,  was  the  means  of 
spurring  delinquents  to  the  more  prompt  payment  of  bills. 
Messrs.  Ruggles  and  Warner  are  recorded  as  walking  up  and 
discharging  their  obligations,  long  overdue.  In  the  spring  of 
1788  the  rent  for  all  double  stalls  on  the  market  floor  was  set  at 

12  per  annum,  with  the  exception  of  those  numbered  2,  10, 
13,  21,  which  were  set  at  £8.  In  August,  1790,  more  attention 
was  paid  to  the  sheds  or  shambles  in  Market  Square.  None 
were  to  be  erected  without  permission  being  obtained  of  the 
selectmen  or  a  market  committee,  and  all  occupants  were 
obliged  to  sign  a  contract  on  September  1. 

In  May,  1792,  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  clerk  had 
become  so  important  that  the  town  directed  the  selectmen  to 
have  this  official  put  under  bonds  for  the  faithful  discharge  of 
his  trust,  the  penalty  being  ^400.  Mr.  William  Gooch  was 
elected  as  clerk  on  these  conditions. 

In  May,  1794,  a  bevy  of  the  stallkeepers,  in  spite  of  fines  and 
the  hideous  cage  for  criminals,  were  found  to  be  guilty  of  fore¬ 
stalling  the  market,  and  were  consequently  using  their  influence 
toward  defeating  the  purpose  for  which  the  town  was  laboring, 
—  the  thorough  establishment  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market.  Messrs. 
Gardner  and  Wise,  Shepard  and  Aklen,  Wilton,  Hartwell,  Gore, 
and  Paul  Hall  were  forbidden  the  use  of  stalls  in  Market  Square. 

The  West  Boston  bridge  was  opened  in  1793,  and  had  a  good 
effect  on  the  market.  At  a  time  when  everything  seemed  to 
favor  market  prosperity  the  market  house  was  robbed.  The 
newspapers  of  the  day  facetiously  commented  on  the  robbery 
thus  :  “  It  is  remarkable  that  the  broken  door  of  the  market- 
house  is  just  forty  feet  from  the  watch-house.” 


CHAPTER  XV 


The  Bulfinch  Faneuil  Hall,  1806-1898.  Middlesex  Canal  affects  Boston. 
Enlargement  of  Faneuil  Hall.  Charles  Bulfinch  the  Architect.  Smibert’s 
Plans  retained.  Action  against  British  Aggression.  Patriotic  Meetings. 
Festivity  because  of  Victory  of  “  Old  Ironsides.”  Independence  Day  Orations. 
Great  Supply  of  Punch  in  1810.  Hall  too  Small  for  Town  Meetings.  Town 
Government  changed  to  that  of  a  City.  Famous  Men  and  Meetings  in  Fan¬ 
euil  Hall  since  Boston  became  a  City.  Faneuil  Hall  a  Post-office.  Orna¬ 
ments  of  the  Hall.  Whittier’s  Poem, 41  Faneuil  Hall.”  Faneuil  Hall  Oratory. 
The  Fireproof  Faneuil  Hall  of  1899. 

THE  opening  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  were  charac¬ 
terized  by  remarkable  development  along  industrial  lines. 
The  completion  of  the  Middlesex  Canal  in  1808,  providing  an 
easy  means  of  communication  between  the  port  of  Boston  and 
the  northerly  towns,  gave  an  impetus  to  trade,  and  there  was 
a  rapid  increase  of  population  so  that  the  accommodations  of 
neither  hall  nor  market  were  longer  sufficient  for  the  town. 
The  original  dimensions  of  the  house,  as  erected  by  Peter 
Faneuil,  had  not  been  changed  in  the  rebuilding.  It  was  one 
hundred  feet  long  by  forty  feet  in  width,  affording  accommoda¬ 
tions  in  the  hall  for  one  thousand  people,  but  this  was  too  small 
for  ordinary  town  meetings  ;  and  when  local  politics  ran  high, 
many  citizens  were  denied  a  reasonable  opportunity  to  hear  and 
be  heard. 

In  February,  1805,  a  project  was  before  the  town  for  filling 
the  mill-pond ; 1  this  involved  many  interests,  calling  together  a 

1  The  old  mill-pond,  which  stands  out  so  prominently  in  the  town  history  for  a 
century  and  a  half,  is  now  represented  by  a  large  section  of  the  business  locality  of 
the  North  End.  An  area  of  about  seventy  acres  was  filled,  fifty  acres  of  which  were 

!52 


THE  BULFINCH  FANEUIL  HAEF 


153 


large  company  of  people  for  the  public  consideration  of  the 
question.  The  hall  being  far  too  small,  the  selectmen  secured 
the  use  of  Mr.  Murray’s  meeting-house.  This  led  to  a  move¬ 
ment  which  found  expression  in  the  March  meeting,  and  the 
selectmen  were  constituted  a  committee  “  To  consider  the  expe¬ 
diency  of  providing  a  more  convenient  place  for  assembling  the 
inhabitants,”  to  report  at  the  May  meeting. 

Patriotic  sentiment  pervaded  society  at  that  time,  and  the 
people  were  reluctant  to  part  with  the  building  which  had  been 
the  scene  of  so  many  memorable  meetings  of  the  Revolution. 
The  committee,  of  which  Charles  Bulfinch  was  chairman,  moved 
with  caution.  They  had  their  report  printed  and  submitted  to 
the  people  of  the  town,  before  it  was  presented  to  the  voters  for 
action.  A  sub-committee  consisting  of  Stephen  Codman,  Joseph 
Russell,  and  Elisha  Ticknor  was  appointed  to  examine  the 
entire  subject.  They  reported  on  May  23,  and  the  selectmen 
were  directed  “  to  proceed  to  enlarge  Faneuil  Hall  in  the  man¬ 
ner  and  for  the  use  pointed  out  in  the  report.”  The  selectmen, 
besides  Charles  Bulfinch,  were  David  Tilden,  William  Porter, 
John  Tileston,  Ebenezer  Oliver,  Jonathan  Hunnewell,  John 
May,  Francis  Wright,  and  Jonathan  Chapman,  names  that 
stood  for  good  judgment  and  integrity  of  purpose. 

The  question  of  an  architect  was  an  important  one ;  the 
committee  remembered  that  it  was  no  less  a  personage 
than  John  Smibert,  the  painter,  who  was  employed  by  Peter 
Faneuil  to  serve  as  architect  in  the  construction  of  the  first 
house,  and  to  his  credit  Faneuil  Hall  stood  alone,  as  the  edifice, 

used  for  building  purposes.  Copps,  Beacon,  and  Pemberton  hills  furnished  the 
filling  material.  The  question  of  filling  this  pond  involved  a  grant  made  by  the 
town,  in  1643,  to  Henry  Simons  and  others  on  condition  of  their  building  one  or 
more  corn-mills  and  bridging  the  mill-creek  at  Hanover  and  North  streets.  This 
grant  came  into  possession  of  the  mill-pond  corporation  in  1804.  The  town  soon 
released  the  original  obligation  to  maintain  the  mills  and  bridges,  and  made  way  for 
the  filling  process,  which  occupied  twenty-five  years  before  it  was  fully  completed. 
Blackstone  Street  follows  the  line  of  the  mill-creek,  through  which  boats  and  small 
vessels  formerly  passed. 


154 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


all  parts  of  the  exterior  of  which  received  uniform  treatment,  — 
“  round  arched  windows  and  doorways,  with  engaged  pilasters 
between,  carrying  entablatures  at  the  height  of  the  various 
stories.”  To  preserve  this,  while  providing  all  that  was  de¬ 
manded,  was  a  very  difficult  task.  Who  is  sufficient  for  these 
things,  was  the  important  question.  The  profession  of  archi¬ 
tecture  had  scarcely  been  recognized  in  this  country,  but  there 
was  one  man,  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  who  was  making 
a  mark  in  that  direction.  Charles  Bulfinch,  a  native  of  the 

town  and  a  graduate  at  Cam¬ 
bridge,  had  gratified  his  taste  by 
rebuilding  his  father’s  house,  and 
had  spent  some  time  in  England 
and  on  the  Continent  studying 
architecture,  and  upon  his  return 
had  furnished  the  design  for  the 
first  theatre  in  Boston.  This 
prepared  the  way  for  him  to 
serve  the  people  in  building  the 
State  House,  and  established 
his  enviable  reputation,  so  that 
the  majority  of  the  selectmen 
were  justified  in  choosing  one  of 
their  own  number  for  the  important  service. 

The  house  was  doubled  in  width  ;  it  was  done  by  removing 
the  northerly  side,  while  the  southerly  side  was  not  disturbed 
and  in  1898  was  found  to  be  as  firm  as  when  erected  in  1742  ; 
but  the  exposed  brickwork  affords  evidence  of  the  fire  of  1761, 
yet  not  sufficient  to  weaken  the  masonry.  The  walls  were 
carried  to  a  greater  height  to  admit  of  the  galleries,  which  were 
then  added  on  three  sides  at  the  level  of  the  old  ceiling  and 
resting  upon  Doric  columns.  The  main  audience  room 
of  Faneuil  Hall  when  finished  was  seventy-six  feet  square 
and  twenty-eight  feet  in  height.  On  the  exterior  a  third 


Charles  Bulfinch 


ACTION  AGAINST  BRITISH  AGGRESSION  155 


order  of  pilasters  and  arches  was  added  to  the  two  of  the 
original  edifice,  there  being  no  variation  either  in  outline  or 
detail  through  the  increase  of  size.  The  pilasters  add  nothing 
to  the  strength  of  the  walls,  being  simply  ornamental,  and  a 
feature  borrowed  by  Bulfinch  from  what  he  had  seen  in  Europe. 
This  edifice,  which  is  conspicuous  for  its  simplicity,  and  disap¬ 
pointing  to  tourists,  might  have  presented  a  more  pleasing  effect 
if  the  arches  of  the  ground  floor  had  been  left  open  as  they 
were  originally.  The  doors  and  windows,  which  take  the  place 
of  the  open  arches,  were  introduced  to  add  comfort  to  the  stall- 
keepers  of  the  market ;  but  they  tend  to  give  a  certain  blankness 
and  monotonous  effect  which  was  not  noticeable  in  the  original 
house. 

It  is  evident  that  but  a  small  portion  of  Faneuil  Hall,  which 
gratified  the  eye  of  the  generous  townsman  who  gave  it  to 
Boston,  is  still  standing.  Yet  it  is  Faneuil  Hall  with  all  its 
sacred  associations,  as  “  Old  Ironsides  ”  after  its  many  changes 
is  the  same  frigate  with  its  story  of  heroic  deeds. 

The  amount  expended  on  the  house  in  1805-1806  was 
$56,692,  which  was  provided  through  the  sale  of  land  on  old 
Fort  Hill  and  by  taxation.  The  agents  in  the  work  received 
ten  per  cent  of  the  outlay. 

As  the  March  meeting  of  1806,  for  the  election  of  town 
officers,  was  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  it  appears  that  the  work  was 
done  within  a  period  of  one  year. 

Remembering  that  very  soon  after  the  rebuilding  of  the  hall 
in  1763,  the  patriots  made  use  of  it  as  a  place  for  holding  meet¬ 
ings  to  protest  against  the  aggressions  of  the  mother  country, 
we  turn  to  see  history  repeating  itself  soon  after  the  work  of 
rebuilding  in  1806;  for  in  the  following  year,  on  July  16,  action 
was  taken  in  Faneuil  Hall  upon  the  British  aggression,  in  the 
unprovoked  attack  on  the  United  States  armed  ship  Chesapeake 
by  the  British  ship-of-war  Leopard.  This  they  declared  to  be 
“a  wanton  outrage  upon  the  lives  of  our  fellow-citizens,  a 


156 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


direct  violation  of  our  national  honor,  and  an  infringement  of 
our  national  rights  and  sovereignty.”  Then  followed  a  period 
of  intense  excitement,  when  Laneuil  Hall  was  frequently  re¬ 
sorted  to  by  the  people  of  Boston,  in  order  to  give  expression 
to  their  feelings.  In  spite  of  the  wrongs  being  perpetrated 
upon  our  people,  there  were  the  Lederalists,  who,  when  they 

war,  set  themselves  against  it 
hatred.  They  saw  in  the  war 
feeling  of  Jefferson,  Madison, 
and  the  Republicans,  a  desire 
to  go  against  England  in  order 
that  they  might  deliver  the 
United  States  up  to  France, 
then  at  war  with  England. 
Faneuil  Hall  then,  and  ever 
since,  has  been  the  people’s 
hall,  and  freedom  of  speech 
was  not  denied  any  parties. 
In  August,  1808,  the  voters 
of  the  town  make  record  of 
their  action  ;  they  pass  reso¬ 
lutions  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  which  they 
say,  “We  trust  that  the  his¬ 
tory  of  the  Revolutionary  War  and  the  annals  of  the  present 
government  will  furnish  ample  testimony  of  our  readiness  to 
make  any  personal  sacrifice  and  endure  any  privations  which 
the  public  welfare  may  require.”  They,  however,  soon  saw 
their  impending  ruin  in  the  “  Embargo  Act,”  which  placed 
restrictions  upon  the  maritime  commerce,  and  in  January,  1809, 
they  sought  relief  through  the  General  Court  of  the  State, 
declaring  that  the  “  Embargo  is  war  in  disguise  and  is  soon 
to  be  followed  by  open  war.”  Their  predictions  were  soon 
realized,  and  in  some  respects  they  pursued  the  course  fol- 


found  the  Republicans  wanted 
with  all  the  bitterness  of  party 


Faneuil  Hall  in  1806 


INDEPENDENCE  DAY  ORATIONS 


157 


lowed  by  their  ancestors  of  the  Revolution.  Early  in  1812 
they  met  in  Faneuil  Hall  and  passed  resolutions,  copies  of 
which  were  sent  out  to  each  town  in  the  Commonwealth. 

The  people  soon  had  a  joyful  occasion  in  the  hall,  a  festival 
being  held  in  honor  of  Captain  Hull  on  his  return  from  the 
fight  with  the  Guerrierc ,  when  the  Constitution  had  put  an  end 
to  the  British  frigate. 

In  February,  1815,  the  hall  was  the  scene  of  a  marked 
demonstration  ;  frowns  no  longer  appeared  upon  the  face  of  the 
people,  and  Peace  !  Peace  !  were  the  gladsome  words  expressed 
by  all.  The  news  had  just  been  received  of  the  signing  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain  on  the 
26th  of  December  previous. 

The  people  of  Boston  had  observed  the  anniversary  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  from  the  year  1783,  when  the 
annual  Massacre  Oration  of  March  5  was  abolished  and 
the  observance  gave  way  to  that  of  the  Fourth  of  July.  But  in 
the  year  1810  there  was  an  unusually  spirited  observance.  So 
much  punch  was  provided,  that  five  barrels  were  left,  and  on 
the  following  day  seven  hundred  persons,  without  distinction 
of  party,  were  regaled  in  Faneuil  Hall  on  this  left-over  stock. 
How  much  was  provided  for  the  celebration  the  annalist  has 
not  reported. 

The  oration  of  Independence  Day  has  often  been  given  in 
the  Cradle  of  Liberty.  In  1843  it  was  by  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  and  was  his  first  appearance  on  a  public  platform.  His 
venerable  father,  John  Quincy  Adams,  ex-President,  was  his 
most  earnest  listener,  and  when  leaving  the  hall  said  of  the 
occasion,  “This  is  one  of  the  happiest  days  of  my  whole  life; 
fifty  years  expire  to-day  since  I  performed,  in  Boston,  my  first 
public  service  in  the  delivery  of  an  oration  to  celebrate  our 
national  independence.” 

The  return  of  peace  gave  a  new  impulse  to  business,  and  the 
population  of  the  town  soon  became  upward  of  forty-three  thou- 


i58 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


sand,  while  the  voting  list  footed  up  seven  thousand.  It  was 
impossible  to  manage  a  town  meeting  with  so  great  a  company 
who  wished  to  exercise  their  right  of  suffrage  —  even  John  Han¬ 
cock  and  Samuel  Adams,  famous  for  their  ability  as  moderators 
in  their  time,  would  have  failed,  and  their  successors  realized 
that  some  other  plan  must  be  adopted  in  order  to  secure  justice 
for  all.  A  minority  of  busy  wire-pullers  were  having  their 
own  way  regardless  of  the  wisdom  of  plans,  when  it  was  impos¬ 
sible  for  the  majority  to  hear  the  discussion  and  rulings  of  the 
platform.  The  subject  of  taxation  was  one  that  hastened  the 
day  of  change  from  the  time-honored  form  of  town  government 
to  that  of  a  city,  and  after  a  long  and  severe  controversy,  when 
partisan  spirit  ran  riot,  a  vote  was  obtained  on  January  7,  1822, 
to  change  from  town  to  city  government.  After  all  the  pre¬ 
liminaries  incident  to  the  preparation  and  adoption  of  the  charter 
had  been  carried  through,  the  day  memorable  in  the  history  of 
Boston  arrived.  It  was  Wednesday,  May  1,  1822,  when  the 
town  fathers  laid  down  their  sceptre  and  the  new  officials  took 
up  the  reins  of  government.  The  Boston  town  meeting  was 
over.  The  citizens  who  constituted  the  last  board  of  selectmen 
of  the  town  of  Boston  were  Eliphalet  Williams,  Daniel  Baxter, 
Jonathan  Loring,  Abram  Babcock,  David  W.  Child,  Samuel 
Billings,  Jeremiah  Fitch,  Robert  Fennelly,  Samuel  A.  Wells. 

To  attempt  to  enumerate  all  the  memorable  meetings  held  in 
Faneuil  Hall  since  Boston  became  a  city  is  a  task  beyond  the 
range  of  this  volume.  It  has  been  identified  with  very  many 
local  and  national  events  of  history  during  this  period. 

Here  Daniel  Webster  moved  the  people  by  his  eloquence  on 
several  occasions,  notably  in  1826,  when  he  delivered  a  eulogy 
on  the  two  ex-Presidents,  Adams  and  Jefferson,  who  died  on  the 
Fourth  of  July  of  that  year.  Seven  thousand  copies  of  “the  elo¬ 
quent  discourse  ”  were  printed  at  the  expense  of  the  city  and 
freely  distributed.  Here  in  1837  Wendell  Phillips  made  his 
maiden  speech,  which  turned  the  tide  of  opinion  in  favor  of 


FAMOUS  MEN  AND  MEETINGS 


159 


Dr.  Channing’s  abolition  resolutions.  The  great  series  of  anti¬ 
slavery  meetings  here  for  a  generation  made  the  walls  echo  with 
an  eloquence  .such  as  Boston  had  not  heard  since  the  days  of 
Otis  and  Samuel  Adams.  Everett,  Choate,  Sumner,  Parker, 
Hillard,  and  many  others,  whose  names  appear  on  the  immortal 
scroll  of  the  nation,  have  here  given  utterance  to  deep  thought 
and  convincing  argument. 

Many  great  men  of  other  countries  have  been  entertained  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  among  them  Lord  Ashburton,  the  promoter  with 
Webster  of  the  treaty  which  bears  his  name ;  the  Prince  de 
Joinville,  afterward  Louis  Philippe,  king  of  France,  was  a 
guest  here. 

Strange  though  it  may  seem  at  this  day,  free  speech  has  not 
always  had  the  platform  in  Faneuil  Hall.  On  March  31,  1847, 
a  temperance  meeting,  when  Deacon  Grant  presided,  was  broken 
up  ;  and  in  1850,  November  15,  a  Free  Soil  meeting  was  broken 
up. 

There  were  stirring  scenes  during  the  Civil  War.  In  1863 
the  police  department  met  at  Faneuil  Hall,  under  the  chief,  for 
military  drill;  and  in  1870  the  police  held  a  grand  ball  to  raise 
funds  for  the  benefit  of  disabled  soldiers.  After  the  great  fire 
of  1872  the  post-office  was  moved  to  Faneuil  Hall  for  temporary 
quarters.  In  1873,  on  April  5,  four  hundred  and  twenty  passen¬ 
gers  from  the  wrecked  steamer  Atlantic  were  sheltered  here 
when  en  route  for  New  York. 

The  Massachusetts  Mechanics’  Charitable  Association  for¬ 
merly  held  its  fairs  in  Faneuil  and  Quincy  halls,  which  were 
connected  by  bridging  the  street  between. 

The  historical  interest  of  the  hall  is  increased  by  the  paintings, 
busts,  and  other  adornments.  The  most  conspicuous  painting 
consists  of  a  canvas  sixteen  by  thirty  feet,  representing  Honorable 
Daniel  Webster  replying  to  Hayne  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
on  January  26  and  27,  1830.  This  occupies  a  central  position 
in  the  rear  of  the  speaker’s  stand. 


i6o 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


It  is  flanked  on  either  side  by  portraits  given  by  Samuel 
Parkman  to  the  city  of  Boston, — that  of  Peter  Faneuil  is  in 
place  of  the  one  destroyed,  or  which  disappeared  during  the 
siege  of  Boston  ;  it  was  copied  by  Colonel  Henry  Sargent  from 
a  smaller  one  —  a  gift  to  the  Art  Museum  from  Miss  Jones,  a 
grandchild  of  Peter  Faneuil’s  sister  Mary  Anne  (Marian). 

The  full-length  portrait  of  Washington  is  the  work  of  Gilbert 
Stuart,  and  was  presented  to  the  town  in  1806.  The  letter 
accompanying  the  gift  is  on  file  at  the  City  Hall. 

The  portraits  of  Hancock,  Warren,  John  Adams,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams  are  by  Copley. 

That  of  Anson  Burlingame  was  painted  by  A.  H.  Bicknell, 
and  given  by  Nathaniel  B.  Shurtleff,  Joseph  F.  Paul,  and  associ¬ 
ates.1 

Other  portraits  are  those  of  Samuel  Adams,  Edward  Everett, 
Governor  Andrew,  Robert  Treat  Paine,  Caleb  Strong,  Commo¬ 
dore  Preble,  General  Knox,  Rufus  Choate,  President  Lincoln, 
Admiral  Winslow,  Wendell  Phillips.2 

There  are  marble  busts  of  several  sons  of  New  England  who 
did  valiant  service  for  their  country. 

The  clock  in  the  rear  of  the  hall  was  given  by  the  children 
of  Boston  in  1850. 

The  eagle  was  formerly  in  the  old  United  States  Bank,  but  at 

1  Anson  Burlingame,  after  long  and  faithful  service  to  Massachusetts,  was  appointed 
by  President  Lincoln  in  1S61  minister  to  Austria,  but  was  not  recognized  because  of 
his  outspoken  favor  of  Hungarian  independence.  He  was  then  sent  as  minister  to 
China.  In  1867,  Prince  Kung,  regent  of  the  empire,  offered  to  appoint  him  special 
envoy  to  the  United  States  and  the  great  European  powers  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
treaties  of  amity,  an  honor  never  before  conferred  on  a  foreigner.  At  the  head  of  a 
numerous  mission  he  arrived  in  the  United  States  in  March,  186S;  went  to  England, 
and  thence  to  Prance,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Holland,  and  Prussia,  in  all  of  which  but 
P'rance  he  negotiated  important  treaties  or  articles  of  agreement.  He  reached  St. 
Petersburg  in  1870,  and  had  just  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  mission  when  he 
died.  His  body  was  brought  to  Boston  and  laid  in  state  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

2  In  1883,  the  body  of  Wendell  Phillips  lay  in  state  in  P'aneuil  Hall,  on  the  same 
platform  where,  in  his  ardent  youth,  he  had  uttered  his  first  scathing  denunciations 
of  the  slave  power  and  its  defenders. 


ORNAMENTS  OF  THE  HALL 


1 6 1 


the  expiration  of  the  charter  the  building  was  purchased  by  the 
State  Bank,  and  the  eagle  was  placed  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

Louis  Kossuth,  the  Hungarian  exile,  was  a  guest  of  the  Com¬ 
monwealth  in  1852,  when  Hon.  George  S.  Boutwell  was  gov¬ 
ernor,  and  received  official 
recognition  and  honor  in 
Faneuil  Hall.  The  first  meet¬ 
ing  in  the  hall  was  on  Thurs¬ 
day  evening,  April  29,  when 
it  was  said  that  few  larger 
audiences  ever  gathered  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  and  probably 
none  so  remarkable  for  intel¬ 
ligence  and  character.  To 
secure  a  ticket  of  admission  it  was  necessary  to  exhibit  a  Hun¬ 
garian  bond.  On  the  following  evening  the  hall  was  the  scene 
of  a  grand  legislative  banquet  in  honor  of  the  Exile  for  Liberty. 
There  were  eight  hundred  tickets  sold,  the  price  being  two  dol¬ 
lars  each  ;  but  so  great  was 
the  interest  that  large  premi¬ 
ums  were  paid. 

Prominent  among  the  deco¬ 
rations  were  the  American, 
British,  and  Hungarian  flags 
draping  the  statue  of  Kos¬ 
suth. 

On  Friday  evening,  May  14, 
the  noted  Hungarian  made  his 
farewell  address  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  which  was  crowded  with 
holders  of  the  bonds.  This  indicated  the  readiness  of  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  to  aid  in  the  struggle  for  Hungarian  liberty. 
It  was  at  these  meetings  that  Hon.  Anson  Burlingame  declared 
his  interest  in  favor  of  Hungarian  independence,  which  prevented 


M 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


162 

him  from  being  recognized  by  Austria  as  United  States  minister 
in  1861. 

All  lovers  of  freedom  and  of  Laneuil  Hall  have  reason  to  be 
thankful  that  New  England’s  Quaker  bard  has  left  verses 
inscribed  to  Faneuil  Hall.  They  were  written  in  1844,  on  read¬ 
ing  a  call  by  “a  Massachusetts  freeman”  for  a  meeting  in 
Faneuil  Hall  of  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  opposed  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

Men  !  if  manhood  still  ye  claim. 

If  the  Northern  pulse  can  thrill. 

Roused  by  wrong  or  stung  by  shame, 

Freely,  strongly  still ; 

Let  the  sounds  of  traffic  die  ; 

Shut  the  mill-gate,  leave  the  stall ; 

Fling  the  axe  and  hammer  by  ; 

Throng  to  Faneuil  Hall  ! 

Wrongs  which  freemen  never  brooked, 

Dangers  grim  and  fierce  as  they 

Which,  like  crouching  lions,  looked 
On  your  fathers’  way  ; 

These  your  instant  zeal  demand, 

Shaking  with  their  earthquake  call 

Every  rood  of  Pilgrim  land, 

Ho,  to  Faneuil  Hall  ! 

From  your  capes  and  sandy  bars, 

From  your  mountain  ridges  cold. 

Through  whose  pines  the  westering  stars 
Stoop  their  crowns  of  gold  ; 

Come,  and  with  your  footsteps  wake 
Echoes  from  that  holy  wall ; 

Once  again,  for  Freedom's  sake, 

Rock  your  fathers’  hall  ! 

Up,  and  tread  beneath  your  feet 
Every  cord  by  party  spun  ; 

Let  your  hearts  together  beat 
As  the  heart  of  one. 


FANEUIL  HALL  ORATORY  163 

Banks  and  tariffs,  stocks  and  trade, 

Let  them  rise  or  let  them  fall ! 

Freedom  asks  your  common  aid, — 

Up,  to  Faneuil  Hall. 

Up,  and  let  each  voice  that  speaks 
Ring  from  thence  to  Southern  plains, 

Sharply  as  the  blow  which  breaks 
Prison-bolts  and  chains  ! 

Speak  as  well  becomes  the  free ; 

Dreaded  more  than  steel  or  ball 
Shall  your  calmest  utterances  be, 

Heard  from  Faneuil  Hall. 

Have  they  wronged  us?  Let  us  then 
Render  back  nor  threats  nor  prayers ; 

Have  they  chained  our  free-born  men? 

Let  us  unchain  theirs! 

Up,  your  banner  leads  the  van, 

Blazoned,  Liberty  for  all  !  ” 

Finish  what  your  sires  began  ; 

Lip,  to  Faneuil  Hall  ! 


Faneuil  Hall  Oratory1 

“In  the  annals  of  the  American  Continent,  there  is  no  place 
more  distinguished  for  powerful  eloquence  than  Faneuil  Hall. 
The  flame  which  roused  a  depressed  people  from  want  and 
degradation  arose  from  the  Altar  of  Liberty  in  Faneuil  Hall. 
The  language  which  made  a  monarch  tremble  upon  his  throne 
for  safety,  and  which  inspired  New  England  with  confidence 
in  a  cause  both  arduous  and  bold,  unprepared  and  unassisted, 
against  a  royal  bulwark  of  hereditary  authority,  had  its  origin 
in  Faneuil  Hall.  Those  maxims  of  political  truth  which  have 
extended  an  influence  over  the  habitable  globe,  and  have  given 
rise  to  new  republics,  where  despotism  once  held  a  court,  glutted 
with  the  blood  that  would  be  free,  were  first  promulgated  in 
Faneuil  Hall.” 

1  From  the  Neivs  Letter  of  April,  1826. 


164 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


“Tyranny,  with  all  its  concomitant  evils,  was  first  exposed, 
and  the  great  machine  of  human  wisdom,  which  was  to  eman¬ 
cipate  man  from  the  rapacious  jaws  of  the  British  Lion,  was 


Faneuil  Hall,  with  Shambles  at  the  Right 
The  white  line  indicates  size  of  the  earlier  building.  From  Snow’s  “  History  of  Boston.” 


put  in  active  operation  in  Faneuil  Hall.  The  story  of  our 
country’s  future  greatness,  her  power,  her  learning,  her  mag¬ 
nitude,  her  final  independence,  were  told  prophetically  in  the 
same  immortal  forum.” 


CHAPTER  XVI 


The  Rebuilding  of  1898-1899.  The  Architect,  the  Builder,  and  the  Modern 

Structure. 

THE  Faneuil  Hall  of  1806  remained  substantially  the  same 
as  when  completed  according  to  the  plans  of  Charles 
Bulfinch,  until  the  summer  of  1898,  although  fears  had  been 
entertained  as  to  the  safety  of  the  building;  danger  from  fire 
having  been  most  imminent,  the  interior  being  of  wood  and 
plaster;  and,  too,  there  were  evident  signs  of  weakness  in  the 
sagging  of  timbers  and  leaning  of  the  tower.  It  was  at  length 
decided  to  reconstruct  the  building  with  fireproof  material,  on 
the  original  plan.  The  appropriation  at  first  made  was  $80,000, 
but,  proving  insufficient,  was  increased  to  $103,000,  together 
with  $1500  for  furnishings.  The  architectural  work  of  the 
rebuilding  of  1898-1899  was  done  in  the  architects’  division  of 
the  engineering  department  of  the  city  of  Boston,  of  which 
Professor  F.  W.  Chandler,  of  the  Institute  of  Technology,  was 
the  consulting  architect,  Frank  W.  Howard  being  chief.  The 
work  at  the  hall  was  done  under  the  supervision  of  Arthur  E. 
Anderson,  of  the  architects’  department.  The  contract  for  the 
labor  was  made  with  Messrs.  Woodbury  and  Feighton,  famous 
builders  of  the  time,  whose  best  credentials  are  the  many  impos¬ 
ing  structures  that  have  been  erected  by  them,  notably  Boston 
Public  Fihrary,  Harvard  Medical  School,  Bowdoin  Square  The¬ 
atre,  and  additions  and  alterations  in  the  State  House  as  built 
by  plans  of  Charles  Bulfinch.  The  contract  was  signed  July  1, 

165 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


1 66 

1898,  on  the  part  of  the  city  by  Josiah  Quincy,  then  mayor, 
and  the  hall  was  ready  for  use  early  in  October,  1899.  It 
would  have  been  perfected  within  the  limit  of  one  year  had 
the  builders  not  been  delayed  two  months  in  waiting  for  iron. 
Owing  to  the  peculiar  construction  of  the  old  building,  the 
architect  had  a  difficult  task ;  but  so  exactly  were  the  plans 
made  and  the  work  executed  that  no  violence  was  done  the 
patriotic  sentiment  of  the  people  who  love  the  Cradle  of  Lib¬ 
erty.  The  wood  and  combustible  material  were  removed,  and 
iron,  with  steel  and  stone,  put  in  its  place,  in  such  perfect  man¬ 
ner  that  the  hall  lost  nothing  of  its  identity,  and  when  opened 
again  to  the  public,  in  the  autumn  of  1899,  it  was  Faneuil  Hall, 
with  all  its  sacred  memories.  While  creditable  to  the  modern 
architects,  it  still  bears  testimony  to  the  skilfulness  of  Smibert 
and  Bulfinch,  and  reminds  the  thoughtful  visitor  of  Peter  Fan¬ 
euil,  the  Huguenot  merchant  of  Boston  in  provincial  days. 

So  thoroughly  had  the  Faneuil  Hall  sentiment  pervaded  all 
classes  of  society  that  the  most  matter-of-fact  workman  em¬ 
ployed  upon  the  house  in  preparation  for  the  rebuilding  was 
careful  that  nothing  should  be  lost  that  had  any  place  in  his¬ 
tory.  When  removing  a  sheet  of  copper  from  the  top  of  the 
deck  of  the  cupola,  there  was  found  upon  the  under  side  the 
following  record:  “J.  H.  Wheeler  and  Charles  Parker  opened 
this,  August,  1835.”  After  nearly  sixty-five  years  it  appeared 
that  these  workmen  were  remembered  by  what  they  had  done. 
The  cupola  is  an  exact  duplicate  of  the  original  design,  in  iron, 
steel,  and  copper,  and  identifies  that  of  Smibert  in  all  but  loca¬ 
tion,  which  was  formerly  in  the  centre  of  the  roof.  The  steel 
bell  of  the  present  time  was  cast  at  Philadelphia  in  1866,  and 
placed  in  the  house  April  15,  1867.  The  bell  that  was  tolled 
during  the  funeral  of  Peter  Faneuil  was  lost  in  the  fire  of  1761, 
and  that  which  later  replaced  it  proved  inadequate,  and  was 
superseded  by  the  one  of  familiar  tone. 

The  main  entrance  to  Faneuil  Hall  was  never  satisfactory,  so 


THE  REBUILDING  OF  1898-1899 


167 


unpretentious  being  the  doorways  that  many  an  intelligent 
tourist  has  inquired  where  they  could  be  found,  when  he  was 
directly  in  front  of  them  ;  but  this  disappointing  feature  might 
have  been  accepted  as  a  reminder  that  the  one  purpose  of  Peter 
Faneuil  was  to  provide  a  market,  and  that  the  hall  was  an 
after  consideration. 

This  main  entrance  was  always  a  hindrance  to  a  correct  con¬ 
ception  of  the  building,  on  account  of  the  extremely  awkward 
rise  of  the  steps.  These  were  replaced 
by  Milford  granite  steps  which  extend 
across  the  three  openings  and  tie  them 
together,  making  one  satisfactory  en¬ 
trance  where  before  there  were  three 
separate  ones.  The  old  lanterns  and 
wrought  iron  brackets  which  embellished 
the  entrance  of  1806  were  reproduced 
identically,  and  fitted  for  the  electric  cur¬ 
rent.  The  wooden  balusters  and  treads 
were  superseded  by  wrought  iron  work, 
but  the  same  old  cherry  hand-rail,  which 
had  been  clasped  by  thousands  of  famous 
men  and  women,  was  used,  in  part,  in  the 
rebuilding. 

The  stair  columns,  like  all  other  columns  throughout  the 
building,  were  reproduced  in  steel  and  cement.  The  floors  of 
the  hallways  are  made  of  broken  marble  of  variegated  colors, 
laid  in  cement  and  rubbed  down  to  secure  a  perfectly  smooth, 
polished  surface,  having  a  border  of  gray  Knoxville  marble. 

The  preserved  and  restored  wooden  doors  of  1806  bear  testi¬ 
mony  to  the  power  and  influence  of  public  sentiment.  The 
wrought  iron  hinges  on  which  they  had  swung  for  almost  a 
century  were  decided  to  be  satisfactory  to  the  builders  of  1899. 
The  old  cut  glass  knobs,  familiar  to  generations,  were  retained, 
being  left  to  remind  those  yet  to  come  of  the  simplicity  of  such 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


1 68 

fixtures  of  a  century  ago.  With  these  exceptions  the  fittings 
of  the  doors  were  in  bronze  metal.  In  preserving  the  Bulfinch 
architecture,  due  attention  was  given  to  the  several  apartments 
of  the  building.  The  custodians’  room,  leading  from  the  stair¬ 
way  hall,  was  embellished  by  a  handsome  mantel  the  entire 
width  of  the  chimney  breast,  having  a  facing  of  green  marble. 
In  the  corresponding  room,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  hall, 
was  placed  a  smaller  mantel  with  a  fire  opening  composed  of 

brick  of  an  old  Dutch  pattern.  The 
chaste  beauty  of  the  main  auditorium 
of  the  real  Faneuil  Hall  is  more  fully 
appreciated  when  free  from  the  canvas 
ornaments  so  familiar  to  people  of 
recent  generations,  and  which  no  one 
would  be  willing  to  part  with  ;  but  the 
largest  picture  —  which  has  so  long 
covered  the  entire  rear  of  the  hall  — 
has  obscured  the  beauty  of  this  partic¬ 
ular  display  of  Bulfinch  architecture. 

The  Doric  columns  under  the  gal¬ 
lery  are  surmounted  by  the  original 
balustrade.  Ionic  columns  above  carry 
the  entablature  in  exact  duplicate  of 
the  old.  The  caps  of  the  columns  are 
picked  out  in  gold,  presenting  a  brilliant  decorative  art. 

The  steps  on  either  side  of  the  hall  as  well  as  those  in  the 
gallery  consist  of  steel  stringers  with  wrought  iron  risers  and 
have  treads  of  hard  pine.  The  risers  are  perforated  to  allow 
the  escape  of  heated  air  when  passing  through  galvanized  iron 
ducts,  which  extend  the  entire  length  under  the  treads.  The 
steps  in  the  gallery,  which  previously  were  of  unequal  rise  and 
tread,  were  made  uniform  in  the  rebuilding. 

The  alterations  made  in  the  speaker’s  platform  at  the  rear  of 
the  hall  were  for  the  purpose  of  returning  to  the  original  plan. 


Platform 


THE  REBUILDING  OF  1898-1899 


169 


which  had  been  changed  after  the  rebuilding  of  1806,  and 
which  interfered  with  the  designs  of  Mr.  Bulfinch  and  detracted 
from  the  pleasing  appearance  of  the  room.  Conveniences  for 
reporters  were  not  considered  at  the  opening  of  the  century,. 


A  Corner  of  the  Hall 


and  the  architect  gave  no  heed  to  them  ;  but  with  the  closing 
years  of  the  century  the  public  looks  to  the  reportorial  staff 
for  the  utterances  of  the  platform,  and  Faneuil  Hall  of  1899 
affords  them  ample  accommodation. 

The  wall  at  the  rear  of  the  platform,  presented  to  view  as 
one  enters  Faneuil  Hall,  affords  a  very  interesting  appearance, 


I/O  FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 

and  the  public  would  be  glad  to  have  it  remain  in  view  could  it 
have  been  done  without  sacrificing  that  famous  painting  of 
Webster’s  reply  to  Hayne  which  to  the  present  generation  has 
become  a  part  of  the  hall.  The  first  story  windows  with  their 
semicircular  heads  and  keystones,  consisting  of  carved  busts,  are 
surmounted  by  a  festoon  panel,  which,  like  the  caps  of  the 
■columns,  is  picked  out  in  gold.  The  walls  of  the  interior  of  the 
house  were  made  attractive  by  an  effective  treatment  of  colonial 
colors ;  white  and  old  gold  and  soft  buffs,  rich  reds,  and  greens 
being  the  prevailing  colors  throughout.  The  decorative  feature 
of  the  ceiling  consists  of  the  conventional  lotus  leaf  design. 
Previously  this  ornamentation  was  recessed  in  the  ceiling,  but  it 
could  not  be  duplicated  under  present  conditions  and  arrange¬ 
ments  for  lighting.  These  were  unthought  of  in  Bulfinch’s 
day,  and  were  useless  when  the  selectmen  of  1742  provided 
the  first  complement  of  candles  by  vote  of  that  board  of  offi¬ 
cials.  In  arranging  for  the  lighting  of  the  hall,  due  attention 
was  paid  to  the  preservation  of  the  bronze  brackets  of  colonial 
design. 

Faneuil  Hall  was  built  at  a  time  when  but  little  attention 
was  paid  to  ventilation  and  the  means  for  heating  were  most 
crude  and  inadequate,  but  through  the  reconstruction  of  1899 
it  was  made  a  model  in  all  of  the  appointments  which  are 
indispensable  to  a  place  of  public  convocation  at  the  close  of  the 
nineteenth  century. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Mayor  Josiah  Quincy’s  Great  Enterprise.  Granite  Building  erected. 
Plate  deposited  under  Corner-stone.  The  New  House  named  Faneuil 
Hall  Market.  Stalls  under  Faneuil  Hall  abandoned.  How  Stalls  were 
selected  and  assigned.  Description  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market  of  1826.  New 
Faneuil  Hall  Market  opened  in  1858. 

“  Faneuil  Hall  will  bear  down  to  the  latest  time  the  name  of  a  private  citizen 
in  acknowledgment  of  a  single  munificent  act."’ 

THE  market  space  received  the  same  enlargement  as  the 
hall  over  it  by  the  rebuilding  of  1806.  According  to  the 
town  treasurer’s  report  of  that  year,  but  eight  stalls  were 
rented ;  four  of  these  were  leased  for  $2.00  each  per  week  and 
the  others  for  $1.50  each  per  week,  making  the  income  to  the 
town  for  that  year  for  stalls,  $728.  The  sheds  or  shambles 
in  Market  Square  were  rented  for  $520.  This  was  the  return 
for  the  first  year  after  the  improved  accommodations  of  the 
market.  But  it  was  difficult  to  keep  pace  with  the  growth  of 
the  town.  More  stalls  were  taken,  so  that  the  income  from  that 
source  in  1811  was  $1,332.67.  The  familiar  cry  against  fore¬ 
stalling  was  heard  in  town  meeting  again,  and  in  March,  1813, 
Peter  Thacher,  Benjamin  Russell,  and  Joseph  Callender  were 
constituted  a  committee  to  investigate  and  report. 

Among  the  many  affairs  of  public  concern  that  naturally  pre¬ 
sented  themselves  for  consideration  during  the  first  year  of  city 
government  was  the  enlargement  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market;  but 
the  year  closed  and  with  it  the  administration  of  Mr.  Phillips, 
and  no  decided  steps  were  taken  for  the  accommodation  of  the 


171 


172 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


market.  There  was  an  imperative  demand  in  this  direction.  The 
floor  space  of  the  market  was  inadequate  and  uncomfortable. 
The  whole  space  occupied  by  the  stalls  and  around  the  building 
did  not  exceed  fourteen  thousand  square  feet.  The  stalls  were 
declared  unhealthful  and  difficult  of  acccess.  The  shambles 
rvere  without  glass  windows  and  had  no  doors.  These  were 
the  quarters  for  the  dealers  in  fish  and  vegetables,  who  suf¬ 
fered  greatly  in  health  from  the  exposure  here  unavoidable. 

As  the  people  came  together  at  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  first  of 
May,  1823,  for  the  service  of  inauguration  of  Josiah  Quincy  as 
the  second  mayor,  they  rvere  fully  impressed  with  the  limita¬ 
tions  and  unsanitary  conditions  of  the  market. 

The  mayor  with  his  associates  in  authority  early  gave  atten¬ 
tion  to  the  needs  of  the  city  in  this  direction  ;  they  saw  that  it 
was  impossible  to  introduce  order  and  systematic  government 
to  the  market  so  wanting  in  local  accommodations,  and  in  the 
first  month  of  the  new  administration  positi\re  action  for  the 
needed  remedy  was  under  way.  The  mayor  referred  the  sub¬ 
ject  to  both  branches  of  the  city  council,  of  which  he  was  chair¬ 
man,  but  the  public  mind  was  not  awake  to  the  demands  of  a 
near  future,  and  a  means  for  temporary  relief  only  were  at  first 
suggested  ;  but  Mr.  Quincy  looked  far  beyond  the  immediate 
demands  and  advocated  a  plan  of  so  great  proportions  that  he 
incurred  the  most  severe  opposition  on  the  part  of  many  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens,  including  those  who  were  regarded  as 
ready  for  progressive  measures. 

It  is  impossible  for  the  people  to  realize  the  extent  of  the 
anxiety  and  labor  which  brought  about  the  blessings  enjoyed 
to-day.  But  with  the  wisdom  of  a  statesman  and  the  foresight 
of  a  prophet  Mr.  Quincy  prosecuted  the  herculean  task. 

The  real  merit  of  an  enterprise  is  seen  in  its  consequences. 
If  those  good  citizens  who  denounced  the  second  mayor  of  this 
city  when  he  advanced  the  plan  of  new  market  facilities  could 
speak  for  themselves  to-day,  they  would  readily  admit  that  the 


MAYOR  QUINCY’S  GREAT  ENTERPRISE  173 


enterprise  of  Mayor  Josiah  Quincy,1  when  considered  in  the 
light  of  its  consequences,  is  one  of  the  greatest  in  the  history  of 
Boston. 

He  went  carefully  about  the  work.  An  undertaking  involving 
so  large  an  amount  of  property  and  affecting  so  many  private 
rights  could  not  be  prosecuted  without  the  expressed  sanction 
of  the  people.  This  was  obtained  by  a  vote  in  January,  1824. 
The  next  step  was  to  obtain  authority  from  the  legislature.  In 
the  meantime  public  sentiment  had  been  aroused  to  the  point 
where  many  owners  of  real  estate,  involved  in  the  plan,  came  to 
an  agreement  tending  to  the  desired  end. 

The  magnitude  of  this  plan  can  be  grasped  only  by  consider¬ 
ing  that  the  land  involved  included  that  occupied  by  the  new 
market,  covering  twenty-seven  thousand  feet,  North  and  South 
Market  streets,  with  the  blocks  on  either  side,  extending  from 
the  former  to  Clinton  Street,  and  from  the  latter  to  Chatham 
Street,  together  with  other  intersecting  streets,  passages,  and 
rows.  The  land  on  which  stand  the  business  blocks  parallel  to 
the  new  market  house  was  sold  to  individual  purchasers  for  the 
erection  of  buildings  with  certain  prescribed  conditions.  That 
on  the  north  side  of  the  dock  was  sold  by  auction  on  Septem¬ 
ber  29,  1824.  The  prices  paid  ranged  from  $7  to  $33^  per  square 
foot.  The  space  of  30,037];  feet,  divided  into  thirty-six  lots,  - 
brought  $303,495.44. 

The  lots  on  the  south  side  were  sold  March  31,  1825.  The 
prices  paid  ranged  from  $10  to  $21  per  square  foot.  The  space 
of  33,865  feet,  divided  into  twenty-two  lots,  brought  $403,848.13. 
The  conditions  were  that  the  buildings  must  be  erected  within  a 
given  time,  they  must  be  of  brick,  with  hammered  stone  front, 

1  Josiah  Quincy,  instrumental  in  building  the  market  house  in  1826,  was  mayor  of 
Boston  from  1823  to  1828  inclusive.  His  son,  Josiah  Quincy,  was  mayor  from  1846  to 
1848  inclusive.  The  next  generation  of  the  family  was  Josiah  Phillips  Quincy;  he 
was  succeeded  by  Josiah  Quincy,  his  son,  who  was  mayor  of  Boston  from  1896  to 
1899  inclusive,  and  was  the  official  who  signed  the  contract  for  rebuilding  Faneuil 
Hall  in  1898 


174 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


granite  piers,  in  strict  conformity  with  a  plan  drawn  by  Mr. 
Alex.  Parris.  They  must  be  four  stories  high  with  slated  roof, 
and  a  cellar  water-tight.  These  blocks  measure  about  five  hun¬ 
dred  and  thirty  feet  in  length  from  Merchants  Row  to  the  street 
at  the  east  end  of  the  market  house,  Commercial  Street.  Having 
followed  the  disposal  of  the  land  not  needed  for  the  public  use, 
we  are  prepared  to  consider  the  erection  of  the  market  house, 
which  was  to  be  one  hundred  and  two  feet  from  the  building  on 
the  south  side  and  sixty-five  feet  from  that  on  the  north  side. 
The  demolishing  of  the  old  buildings  covering  the  land,  the 
filling  of  the  docks,  and  other  labor  necessary  for  clearing  the 
large  area  in  preparation  for  laying  the  corner-stone  of  the  new 
market  were  all  done  without  accident  to  any  person,  and  the 
corner-stone  was  laid  with  much  ceremony  in  April,  1825. 

Alexander  Parris  was  the  architect. 

Proceedings  of  laying  the  Corner-stone  of  Faneuil 

Hall  Market 

[From  Columbian  Centinel  of  April  30,  1825.] 

On  Wednesday,  the  twenty-seventh  of  April,  1825,  the  cor¬ 
ner-stone  of  the  New  Faneuil  Hall  Market  was  laid  by  the 
Mayor  of  the  City,  in  the  presence  of  the  members  of  the  City 
Council,  the  Superintendent  and  workmen  of  the  building,  and 
a  large  number  of  citizens.  The  city  Government  assembled  in 
Faneuil  Hall  at  eleven  o’clock  and  moved  to  the  site  of  the  new 
edifice  in  the  following  order  preceded  and  flanked  by  peace 
officers  : 

The  Mayor. 

The  City  Marshal  bearing  the  chest  containing  the  deposits. 

The  other  Members  of  the  Building  Committee. 

Aldermen. 

Members  of  the  Common  Council. 

Clerks  of  the  two  Boards. 

Principal  Architect,  &c. 


GRANITE  BUILDING  ERECTED 


175 


The  corner-stone  (a  large  block  of  Chelmsford  granite)  was 
suspended  by  a  pulley  over  the  foundation-stone,  in  a  cavity  of 
which  a  leaden  box,  or  chest,  was  deposited,  and  which  contained 
maps  and  plans,  City  Charter,  Rules  and  Regulations  of  the 
Council:  Twenty-two  Newspapers  published  during  the  preced¬ 
ing  week,  including  all  the  weekly,  semi-weekly,  and  daily  papers, 
the  Price  Current,  and  Masonic  Magazine. 

Bowen’s  “  History  of  Boston  ”  and  a  chest  containing  coins, 
ancient  and  modern  :  also  various  denominations  of  the  paper 
currency  of  the  Revolution. 

In  addition  to  the  above  there  was  a  silver  plate  weighing  fif¬ 
teen  ounces,  eleven  inches  by  seven,  on  which  was  the  following 
inscription  : 

Faneuil  Hall  Market. 

Established  by  the  city  of  Boston.  This  stone  was  laid  April 
27,  Anno  Domini  MDCCCXXV.,  in  the  forty-ninth  year  of 
American  Independence,  and  in  the  third  of  the  Incorporation 
of  the  city. 

Josiah  Quincy,  Mayor. 

Aldermen  :  Daniel  Baxter,  George  Odiorne,  David  W.  Child, 
Joseph  Hawley  Dorr,  Asher  Benjamin,  Enoch  Patterson,  Caleb 
Eddy,  Stephen  Hooper. 

Members  of  the  Common  Council. 

Francis  J.  Oliver,  President. 

Ward  No.  1.  William  Barre,  John  Elliot,  Michael  Tombs, 
Joseph  Wheeler. 

Ward  No.  2.  William  Little,  Jr.,  Thaddeus  Page,  Oliver  Reed, 
Joseph  Stone. 

Ward  No.  3.  John  R.  Adon,  John  D.  Dyer,  Edward  Page, 
William  Sprague. 

Ward  No.  4.  Joseph  Coolidge,  Jeremiah  Fitch,  Robert  G- 
Shaw,  William  R.  P.  Washburn. 


i  ;6 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


Ward  No.  5.  Eliphalet  P.  Hartshorn,  Elias  Haskell,  George 
W.  Otis,  Winslow  Wright. 

Ward  No.  6.  Joseph  S.  Hastings,  Joel  Prouty,  Thomas  Wiley, 
William  Wright. 

Ward  No.  7.  Charles  P.  Curtis,  William  Goddard,  Elijah 
Morse,  Isaac  Parker. 

Ward  No.  8.  John  Ballard,  Jonathan  Davis,  John  C.  Gray, 
Hawkes  Lincoln. 

Ward  No.  9.  Benjamin  Russell,  Eliphalet  Williams,  Samuel 
K.  Williams,  Benjamin  Willis. 

Ward  No.  10.  Francis  J.  Oliver,  James  Savage,  Phineas  Up- 
ham,  Thomas  B.  Wales. 

Ward  No.  n.  Samuel  Frothingham,  Giles  Lodge,  Charles 
Sprague,  Josiah  Stedman. 

Ward  No.  12.  Charles  Bemis,  Samuel  Bradlee,  Francis  Jack- 
son,  Isaac  Thorn. 

Building  Committee. 

Josiah  Quincy,  Chairman. 

David  W.  Child,  Asher  Benjamin,  Enoch  Patterson,  Francis 
J.  Oliver,  Benjamin  Russell,  Charles  P.  Curtis,  Thaddeus  Page, 
Eliphalet  Williams,  Joseph  Coolidge,  William  Wright. 

Alexander  Parris,  Principal  Architect. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  P resident  of  the  Utiited  States. 

Marcus  Morton,  Lieutenant-Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

Memoranda.  —  The  population  of  the  City  estimated  at  fifty 
thousand;  that  of  the  United  States  eleven  million. 

Engraved  by  Hazen  Mors 


The  stone  having  been  placed  in  its  proper  position  and 
cemented,  the  Mayor  announced  that  the  corner-stone  was  now 


THE  NEW  HOUSE  NAMED 


1 77 


erected  of  an  edifice  which  would  be  a  proud  memorial  of  the 
public  spirit  and  unanimity  of  the  City  Council,  and  of  the  lib¬ 
erality  of  their  fellow-citizens  :  an  edifice  which,  he  anticipated, 
would  be  an  ornament  to  the  City,  a  convenience  to  its  inhabit¬ 
ants,  a  blessing  to  the  poor,  an  accommodation  to  the  rich,  and 
an  object  of  pleasure  to  the  whole  community. 

The  question  of  the  name  of  the  new  market  was  one  of  im¬ 
portance,  and  was  a  subject  freely  discussed  by  the  leading 
people  of  the  town.  Many  saw  great  propriety  in  naming  the 
market  in  honor  of  the  second  mayor  of  the  city,  through  whose 
perseverance  it  was  erected  ;  but  there  were  others  who  kept  in 
memory  the  name  of  Peter  Faneuil,  who,  despite  the  opposition 
of  many  citizens  of  the  town,  had  given  the  market  house  in 
1742  to  which  the  donor’s  name  had  been  attached.  The  ques¬ 
tion  was  thought  to  involve  not  only  a  moral  but  a  legal  respon¬ 
sibility,  and  was  taken  in  advisement  by  the  City  Council,  who 
received  a  statement  from  the  mayor,  of  the  obligations  of  the 
city,  resulting  from  the  donation  of  Peter  Faneuil  and  from  the 
vote  passed  by  the  town  of  Boston  in  reference  to  that  donation. 
The  statement  made  by  Mayor  Quincy  was  a  brief  summary  of 
the  facts  of  the  history  of  Faneuil  Hall,  concluding  thus:  “No 
obligation  rests  upon  the  town  in  consequence  of  their  vote, 
accepting  the  donation  of  Peter  Faneuil,  Esq.,  which  can  pos¬ 
sibly  affect  any  use  of  that  part  of  the  land,  covered  by  the 
building  called  Faneuil  Hall,  which  was  originally  covered  by 
the  building  erected  by  Peter  Faneuil,  Esq.” 

The  magnanimity  of  Mayor  Quincy,  for  whom  the  people 
desired  to  name  the  new  market,  appears  in  the  recommenda¬ 
tion  with  which  his  report  was  finished  :  “  The  great  object  of 
Peter  Faneuil,  Esq.,  was  to  locate  a  market  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  town  dock.  For  this  purpose  his  donation  seems  to  have 
been  made,  and  it  seems  to  be  due  to  his  memory  and  to  the 
generosity  which  distinguished  his  original  donation,  that  the 


N 


i  ;8 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


market  established  in  that  vicinity  should  be  known  by  the  name 
of  ‘  Faneuil  Hall  Market,’  and  that  the  name  of  the  building 
called  Faneuil  Hall  shall  continue  appropriated  to  that  build¬ 
ing.  This  name  was  given  to  that  building  in  1742,  and  it 
appears  only  to  be  necessary  that  it  should  he  declared  by 
the  City  Council  that  the  market  established  in  the  new 
building,  recently  erected  to  the  eastward  of  Faneuil  Hall,  shall 
be  known  by  the  name  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  and  that  a  vote 
similar  to  that  passed  in  1761  be  also  now  passed  by  the  City 
Council.” 

The  mayor’s  report  was  submitted  by  letter,  and  the  Board  of 
Aldermen  thereupon  resolved,  “  That  as  soon  as  the  new  Market 
House  shall  be  finished  and  ready  for  occupation,  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  be  authorized  and  empowered  to  cause  a  market 
to  be  opened  therein  ;  to  be  known  and  called  by  the  name  of 
the  Faneuil  Hall  Market.”  They  further  —  “  Resolved,  That  as 
soon  as  the  said  market  be  opened,  the  lower  part  of  the  build¬ 
ing  called  Faneuil  Hall,  shall  no  longer  be  improved  as  a  market, 
until  the  further  determination  of  the  City  Council,  and  that  the 
Mayor  and  Aldermen  be,  and  hereby  are  authorized  to  cause  all 
the  stalls  in  the  lower  floor  of  said  Faneuil  Hall,  and  all  the 
building  to  the  northward  and  westward  of  Faneuil  Hall,  occu¬ 
pied  as  stalls,  to  be  taken  down,  and  to  pass  such  orders,  limit¬ 
ing  Faneuil  Hall  Market  to  the  streets  called  North  and  South 
Market  streets,  and  the  building  recently  erected  thereon,  as 
they  may  deem  expedient.” 

In  the  next  issue  of  the  Bostoji  News  Letter  and  City  Record, 
August  19,  appeared  the  following,  under  the  head,  “New 
Faneuil  Hall  Market.”  “  The  spacious  and  superb  edifice  is  now 
nearly  completed,  in  all  its  various  departments;  and  the  lower 
floor  where  are  fixed  the  Stalls  or  Benches,  for  the  disposition 
and  sale  of  provisions,  will  be  immediately  occupied  by  the 
persons  who  have  rented  them.” 

It  was  not,  however,  until  a  week  later  that  the  market  was 


FANEUIL  HALL  MARKET  OF  1826 


179 


opened.  August  26,  1826,  was  the  day  of  formal  opening.  It 
was  on  Saturday,  and  the  same  paper  said  :  — 

“  There  was  a  fine  display  of  the  fruits  and  productions  of 
our  exuberant  soil.” 

The  change  from  the  cramped  quarters  under  Faneuil  Hall 
to  the  new  commodious  building  was  great,  and  the  stallkeepers 
were  ready  for  business,  as  they  have  ever  been.  There  was  a 
scramble  to  have  the  first  sale,  and  all  were  on  hand  when 
the  market  bell  was  heard  sending  out  its  first  note  of  in¬ 
vitation. 

Tradition  says  that  Mr.  Paul  Wild,  of  Quincy,  was  the  suc¬ 
cessful  man  who  served  a  waiting  customer  with  a  leg  of  lamb 
on  that  Saturday  morning  of  1826. 

The  prospect  of  the  new  market  was  the  one  subject  of  dis¬ 
cussion,  for  it  was  freely  predicted  that  Mayor  Quincy  was 
getting  the  youthful  city  into  a  debt  that  she  could  never 
recover  from.  To  quiet  the  frightened  people  the  Boston 
Advertiser  of  that  day  took  the  pains  to  publish  the  following 
facts : — 

“  New  Faneuil  Hall  Market 

“  The  new  market  house  is  occupied  for  the  first  time  to-day. 
We  understand  the  stalls  are  leased  at  the  same  rate,  in  propor¬ 
tion  to  the  number  of  feet,  that  was  paid  for  those  in  the  old 
market. 

“The  leases  of  stalls  amount  to  $19,000,  and  those  of  the 
cellars  to  $6000 ;  thus  giving  an  annual  income  from  the  cellars 
and  lower  floor  of  $25,000.  The  income  from  the  chambers 
and  from  the  wharf  is  not  yet  ascertained.  The  sum  of 
$100,000  has  been  offered  for  the  purchase  of  the  wharf,  and 
refused.” 

At  the  opening  the  space  was  divided  into  108  stalls,  or 
benches,  for  meat  and  vegetables,  and  twenty  for  fish. 

The  committee  designated  the  manner  of  occupying  these 


i8o 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


stalls,  and  fixed  the  prices  of  them  at  the  following  moderate 
rates  per  week,  viz.  :  — 


In  the  westerly,  or  first  section,  for  the  sale  of  small  meats  .  .  .  $4.00 

In  the  section  for  the  sale  of  pork  only,  viz.,  rent  of  the  four  benches 

adjacent  to  the  side  door  .  4-50 

The  other  fifteen  benches  in  the  same  section  .....  3.50 

One  bench,  adjoining  the  staircase  .......  2.50 

Four  benches  adjoining  side  door  .......  3.50 

Fourteen  benches  in  the  same  section  ......  3.00 

The  fourth  section,  consisting  of  sixteen  benches  for  the  sale  of  beef 

and  pork,  each  ..........  3.00 

In  the  fifth  section,  westerly  part,  for  the  sale  of  butter  and  cheese,  and 
the  easterly  part,  for  the  sale  of  vegetables,  and  four  benches  ad¬ 
jacent  to  the  side  door  ........  3.50 

Fifteen  other  benches  in  the  same  section,  each  .....  3.00 

In  the  sixth  section,  for  the  sale  of  vegetables  only,  viz.,  four  benches 

adjacent  to  the  side  door  ........  3.00 

Fifteen  other  benches  in  the  same  section,  each  .....  2.75 

In  the  seventh  section,  for  the  sale  of  fish,  containing  twenty  benches 

of  seven  feet,  each  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .1.50 


It  was  urged  that  the  low  rental  would  secure  good  and 
faithful  tenants.  The  amount  of  weekly  rents  of  that  floor 
was  $273.25.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  clerk  to  make  the  col¬ 
lections,  and  he  soon  found  that  he  could  do  but  little  else,  for 
each  stallkeeper  was  not  always  ready  to  respond  at  the  first 
call. 

The  sentiment  of  the  people  at  the  opening  of  the  market  is 
seen  in  a  letter  now  in  possession  of  Miss  Sara  E.  Cushman  of 
Newtonville.  It  was  written  under  date  of  August  25,  1826, 
by  Mr.  Ripley,  a  merchant  on  India  Wharf,  to  his  sister,  a 
teacher  at  Kingston,  Massachusetts.  After  urging  Miss  Ripley 
to  come  to  the  city,  he  says :  “  Put  on  your  best  bib  and  bon¬ 
net,  then  and  there  be  ready  to  take  the  first  stage,  so  as  to 
be  in  the  city  by  noon,  so  as  to  pass  the  afternoon  in  viewing 
the  North  and  South  Market  streets  and  the  market,  which 
separates  the  two  streets  and  which  is  the  market  of  all  mar- 


FANEUIL  HALL  MARKET  OF  1826 


181 


kets  on  the  Globe,  which,  by  the  by,  is  to  be  opened  to¬ 
morrow,  the  26,nst.” 

A  description  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  published  at  the  time 
of  its  completion,  is  as  follows:  — 

“  Faneuil  Hall  Market  House  is  situated  at  the  East  of  Faneuil 
Hall,  between  two  streets  called  North  and  South  Market  streets 
having  two  streets  passing  at  right  angles  at  the  West  and  East 
fronts,  the  one  being  76  feet,  and  the  other  at  the  East  end, 
making  the  Wharf  65  feet  wide.  North  Market  Street  is  65 
feet  wide,  the  south  102  feet,  each  street  having  a  range  of 


Faneuil  Hall  Market,  built  in  1826 


stores,  four  stories  high  with  granite  fronts,  the  range  of  stores 
on  the  North  side  520  feet,  and  55  feet  deep  —  on  the  South 
530  feet  and  65  feet  deep,  an  arched  avenue  in  centre  of  each 
range  5  feet  wide,  communicating  with  the  adjoining  streets; 
the  facade  of  which  is  composed  of  piers,  lintell,  and  arched 
windows  on  the  second  story.  The  roofs  are  slated,  and  the 
cellars  water  proof. 

“  The  Market  House  in  length  is  535  feet,  9  inches ;  in  width 
50  feet,  wholly  built  of  granite,  having  a  centre  building  74I 
by  55  feet,  projecting  2\  feet  in  the  North  and  South  fronts. 
From  the  centre  buildings  are  wings  on  each  side,  173  by  50  feet. 


1 82 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


The  wing  continues  from  a  projection  of  6  inches,  46  feet,  3 
inches,  and  5  1  feet  in  width,  on  each  facade  of  which  are  5  antae, 
projecting  6  inches,  finishing  with  a  portico  at  each  end  of  the 
building,  projecting  1 1  feet  j\  inches.  The  porticos  consist  of 
four  columns  3^  feet  diameter  at  base,  and  2  feet  10  inches  at 
neck,  each  shaft  is  one  piece  20  feet  9  inches  long,  with  a  capi¬ 
tal  of  the  Grecian  Doric.  The  columns  support  a  pediment, 
the  tympanum  of  which  has  a  circular  window  for  ventilation. 

“The  wings  are  of  two  stories,  the  lower  one  14  feet,  the 
upper  14^  feet;  the  lower  windows  have  circular  heads. 

“The  building  is  finished  with  a  Grecian  cornice  16  inches  in 
depth,  and  21  inches  projection,  worked  in  granite. 

“  The  roof  is  slated,  and  copper  gutters. 

“  The  height  of  the  wings  from  the  side  walk  to  the  top  of 
the  cornice  is  31  feet. 

“The  facade  of  the  centre  building  up  to  the  under  side  of  the 
second  story  windows,  is  composed  of  five  recesses  of  piers  and 
arches  of  grooved  ashler,  on  top  of  which  are  again  formed 
recesses  by  antae,  supporting  a  frieze  and  cornice,  similar  to 
the  wing  building ;  in  each  recess  is  a  circular  headed  window, 
the  centre  a  Venetian ;  on  the  top  of  the  cornice  is  a  blocking 
course,  and  an  octagon  attic,  6  feet  high,  with  two  elliptical 
sawtells,  surmounted  by  a  dome  covered  with  copper,  and 
crowned  by  a  lantern  light.  At  each  angle  on  top  of  the 
centre  building  is  a  pedestal,  in  which  are  placed  the  neces¬ 
sary  flues. 

“  The  whole  edifice  is  supported  by  a  base  of  Quincy  blue 
granite,  2  feet  10  inches  high,  with  arched  windows  and  doors 
communicating  with  the  cellars. 

“The  building  is  approached  by  six  steps,  of  easy  ascent;  each 
wing  has  six  doors.  The  centre  building  is  the  north  and  south 
front ;  a  pair  of  folding  doors  enter  a  passage  ten  feet  wide, 
paved  with  brick,  laid  on  ground  arches  ;  the  wings  have  also 
a  passageway  of  smaller  dimensions  to  correspond. 


FANEUIL  HALL  MARKET  OL  1826 


183 


“  The  principal  entrances  are  from  the  east  and  west  porticos 
which  communicate  with  the  corridor,  512  feet  long,  12  feet 
wide,  with  entablatures  finished  with  a  cove  ceiling.  The  inte¬ 
rior  is  divided  into  128  stalls,  and  occupied  as  follows,  viz.  :  14 
for  mutton,  lamb,  veal,  and  poultry ;  2  for  poultry  and  venison  ; 


Interior  of  Market 


19  for  pork,  lamb,  butter,  and  poultry  ;  45  for  beef  ;  4  for  butter 
and  cheese  ;  19  for  vegetables  ;  and  20  for  fish. 

“  On  the  south  front  are  four  doorways  opening  to  staircases, 
leading  to  the  second  story,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a  hall  70 
by  50  feet,  having  a  dome  springing  from  four  segmental 
arches,  ornamented  with  panels  and  rosettes,  in  the  crown  of 
which  is  an  elliptical  opening  14  by  12  feet,  through  which  is 
seen  the  skylight  and  part  of  the  outer  dome.  The  whole  height 
of  the  hall  to  the  opening  or  eye  of  the  dome  is  46  feet.  Each 


184 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


wing  is  divided  into  two  halls  by  a  brick  partition,  the  smaller 
hall  being  44  by  47  feet,  and  the  larger  173  by  47.  The  whole 
of  the  improvements  have  been  completed  within  the  space  of 
twenty-six  months  and  occupy  about  one  acre,  two  perches, 
twenty-four  rods,  the  greater  part  of  which  has  been  reclaimed 
from  the  sea  by  filling  in  earth  at  different  periods. 

“The  space  where  Faneuil  Hall  Market  stands  was  at  one 
time  a  principal  landing-place  from  the  water.” 

The  massive  pillars  which  have  been  described  were  taken 
from  a  quarry  in  the  town  of  Chelmsford  and  brought  to  Boston 
through  the  Middlesex  Canal,  whose  waters  came  near  to  the 
market  house. 

On  November  9  succeeding  the  opening  of  the  market, 
Mayor  Quincy  made  his  final  report,  in  which  he  said,  “This 
noble  improvement  has  been  completed,  not  only  without  any 
addition  to  the  present  taxes  or  burden  to  the  citizens,  but  also 
without  the  possibility  of  any  addition  in  future  time,  on  this 
account,  to  their  taxes  or  burdens  and  on  the  contrary  that  it  has 
augmented,  in  no  inconsiderable  degree  the  real  and  productive 
property  of  the  city.” 

In  a  few  years  from  the  opening  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  the 
hall  over  it  was  officially  given  the  name  of  Quincy  Hall.  Gen¬ 
eral  consent  has  affixed  the  name  of  the  mayor  to  the  market, 
and  it  is  commonly  used  at  the  present  time. 

The  plan  for  closing  the  stalls  under  Faneuil  Hall  was 
opposed  by  the  far-seeing  Mayor  Quincy,  but  his  objections 
were  overruled  and  in  the  summer  of  1827  the  space  was  divided 
into  eight  stores  renting  for  $4600  per  annum,  some  of  the 
principal  occupants  being  Milton  &  Slocumb,  clothiers ;  Bass, 
the  hatter;  and  McErory,  iron  and  hardware.  In  the  year  1858 
these  were  removed  and  the  market  was  restored,  hence  the 
name  New  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  which  is  so  often  erroneously 
applied  to  the  market  built  by  Mayor  Quincy,  and  which  to  the 
casual  observer  seems  to  be  out  of  place  in  its  true  application. 


HOW  STALLS  WERE  ASSIGNED 


185 


As  the  time  for  the  opening  of  the  market  drew  near,  some 
of  the  business  men  who  planned  to  lease  stalls  began  to  mani¬ 
fest  a  spirit  of  rivalry  as  to  location  in  the  new  house,  and  in 
the  true  spirit  of  justice  and  fair  play,  those  who  were  to  occupy 
the  stalls  in  Section  Second  held  a  meeting  at  Cushing  & 
Carter's  on  August  11,  1826.  They  organized  by  choosing 
Samuel  Langdon  for  moderator,  William  Hovey,  secretary  and 
treasurer.  They  voted  to  bid  for  the  choice  of  stalls  after  the 
manner  of  an  auction,  and  that  the  aggregate  of  the  bonus 
paid  be  divided  equally  between  the  nineteen  who  were  asso¬ 
ciated  in  the  scheme. 

The  moderator,  Samuel  Langdon,  was  the  auctioneer.  The 
bidding  resulted  as  follows  :  — 


Luke  Forbes  .  .  . 

1st 

choice. 

6 

0 

d 

Chose  stall  No. 

20. 

James  Dugan  .  .  . 

2d 

“ 

45.OO. 

“ 

“ 

24. 

Frederick  Weld  .  . 

•  3d 

41.00. 

U 

U 

U 

23- 

Eben  Davis 

4th 

“ 

32.00. 

“ 

“ 

u 

22. 

Thomas  Livermore  . 

5th 

U 

17.OO. 

“ 

u 

27. 

Benj.  L.  Sumner  . 

6th 

“ 

28.50. 

u 

u 

u 

25. 

Bordman  Williams  . 

7th 

u 

19  00. 

“ 

u 

u 

26. 

O.  M.  Gale  .  .  .  . 

.  8th 

u 

18.00. 

“ 

u 

28. 

Leonard  Whiting 

9th 

u 

7.00. 

u 

“ 

.t 

18. 

Joshua  Horn  .  .  . 

.  10th 

“ 

10.00. 

u 

u 

a 

19. 

Thomas  Hill  .  .  . 

.  1 1  th 

4.00. 

a 

u 

u 

31- 

Samuel  Gay  .  .  . 

1 2th 

8.00. 

u 

u 

u 

21 . 

Jared  Allen  .  .  . 

•  13th 

a 

4.00. 

u 

“ 

29. 

William  Hovey  .  . 

.  14th 

a 

6.50. 

u 

“ 

u 

32- 

George  Phipps  .  . 

.  15  th 

u 

3-5°- 

u 

u 

“ 

34 

F.  J.  Ripley  •  •  • 

.  1 6th 

u 

3.00. 

u 

u 

u 

36- 

Nathan  Robbins  .  . 

17th 

“ 

0.50. 

u 

u 

u 

33- 

Abel  Babcock  .  .  . 

.  1 8th 

“ 

0.50. 

u 

“ 

u 

35- 

Daniel  Chamberlin  . 

19th 

u 

0.50. 

u 

6i 

u 

30- 

The  aggregate  of 

the  sums  was 

$298  ; 

each 

man’s 

share 

5I5-I5- 

The  records  of  this  remarkable  meeting  are  duly  attested  by 
William  Hovey,  secretary,  who  secured  Stall  No.  32,  and  were 
loaned  to  the  author  by  Horatio  A.  and  William  H.  Hovey  of  the 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


1 86 

same  stall.  They  are  sons  of  William.  Stall  No.  32  has  always 
been  in  the  family  since  opened  in  1826. 

Stall  No.  33,  taken  at  the  same  time  by  Nathan  Robbins,  is 
now  occupied  by  Olney  Robbins,  a  grandson,  who  continues  the 
family  interest  unbroken  from  the  year  1826. 

The  lease  was  for  the  period  of  one  year.  It  was  a  compre¬ 
hensive  document,  in  many  respects  like  that  of  to-day.  It  was 
transferable  upon  the  approval  of  the  clerk.  Many  years 
passed  before  the  popularity  of  the  market  was  such  as  to  make 
the  stalls  sufficiently  desirable  to  warrant  a  party  to  pay  a  bounty 
for  the  transfer  of  a  lease.  The  agreement  to  pay  accrued  rent 
was  sufficient.  Rut  it  was  through  perseverance  in  well-doing 
that  the  company  of  shrewd,  far-sighted  marketmen  secured 
for  the  market  a  reputation  that  has  been  most  helpful  to  them, 
individually  and  collectively.  The  city  built  the  market  house, 
but  the  stallkeepers  built  the  market  reputation,  which  may  be 
fully  realized  when  it  appears  that  thousands  of  dollars  are  now 
paid  for  the  privilege  of  occupying  a  stall. 

This  bounty,  which  is  really  the  reward  for  years  of  faithful 
service,  belongs,  as  it  should,  to  the  lessee  of  the  stall,  and 
when  he  resigns  his  rights  he  counts  it  his  property. 

But  ambitious  citizens,  outside  the  market,  have  been  loath  to 
admit  the  right.  A  strenuous  effort  was  made  in  the  year  1854 
to  secure  an  act  to  have  Faneuil  Hall  Market  sold,  the  argument 
being  “  that  it  is  a  monopoly,  and  the  city  ought  not  to  be  con¬ 
nected  with  and  be  a  party  to  a  monopoly.” 

As  often  as  the  question  of  renewal  of  leases  of  the  stalls 
comes  before  the  city  fathers,  then  also  comes  up  the  question 
of  increase  of  rent,  etc.,  but  public  sentiment,  which  is  in  favor 
of  the  marketmen,  has  its  due  weight,  and  a  good  percentage  on 
the  city’s  outlay  is  regarded  as  all  that  should  be  expected,  in  the 
light  of  the  fact  that  it  is  the  marketmen  who  have  given  it  the 
creditable  reputation  which  makes  it  a  desirable  place  for  buyer 
and  seller. 


Faneuil  Hall  Market,  from  the  Harbor,  in  1826, 


STATISTICS  OF  PRESENT  TIME 


187 


Rents,  at  first,  were  collected  once  a  week;  but  after  the  market 
became  thoroughly  established,  monthly  payments  were  de¬ 
manded  and  readily  paid. 

Faneuil  Hall  Market  is  regarded  as  a  model  in  its  line  of 
business,  and  is  adopted  as  an  example  by  other  cities  when 
endeavoring  to  solve  the  question  of  adjusting  supply  and 
demand. 

There  is  no  better  authority  on  Faneuil  Hall  Market  than  Mr. 
George  E.  McKay,  the  efficient  superintendent. 

The  mayor  not  long  ago  referred  a  letter  to  Mr.  McKay  which 
came  from  Albany,  New  York,  asking  for  facts  of  the  market ; 
and  the  superintendent’s  reply  contains  the  truths  of  to-day, 
which  will  of  themselves  suggest  the  progress  of  the  years  since 
the  opening  of  seventy-three  years  ago  :  — 

“  In  addition  to  the  buildings,  the  streets  around  the  market 
are  by  legislative  enactment  made  free  open  markets  for  the 
sale  of  fresh  provisions  and  vegetables  under  certain  regula¬ 
tions.  These  two  buildings  and  the  streets  surrounding  them 
are  known  as  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  and  are  under  the  direct 
control  of  the  city.  Only  those  occupying  the  buildings  pay 
a  rental. 

“Quincy  Market  (so  called)  is  divided  into  132  stalls,  22  base¬ 
ment  cellars,  and  is  occupied  by  86  different  firms.  The  market 
under  Faneuil  Hall  is  divided  into  23  stalls  and  11  basement 
cellars,  and  occupied  by  34  different  firms.  The  stalls  are  so 
divided  that  each  is  about  8  feet  wide  by  1 5  feet  deep. 

“  The  rent  paid  for  the  same  varies  according  to  location, 
being  from  $350  to  $460  per  year. 

“  No  fees  are  collected  from  those  who  occupy  stands  in  the 
streets.  The  market  wagons  are  arranged  in  sections,  leaving 
space  between  sections  for  wagoners  to  deliver  goods  to  the 
market,  and  the  farmers  and  producers  are  allowed  to  occupy 
such  space  behind  their  wagons,  to  display  their  goods,  as  will 
not  interfere  with  teams  getting  in  or  out. 


1 88 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


“The  estimated  value  of  Quincy  Market  (so-called)  is  $1,000,- 
000,  and  the  city  receives  an  income  from  the  same  of  about 
$71,000  in  rents.  The  estimated  value  of  Faneuil  Hall  building 
is  $294,000,  and  the  city  receives  as  rent  from  the  portion  used 
for  market  purposes  about  $19,000. 

“  At  the  present  time,  and  for  the  past  three  or  four  years, 
the  sales  of  beef  from  wagons  have  not  been  so  large  as  in 
previous  years,  owing  to  the  large  quantities  of  Western  dressed 
beef  which  are  brought  to  Boston.  The  small  meats  and  farm 
products  generally  have  not  been  affected,  and  on  what  are 
called  the  busy  days,  from  sunrise  to  8  or  9  o’clock  a.m.,  there 
are  found  from  350  to  450  wagons  with  meats  and  farm  products 
on  the  market  limits. 

“  In  addition  to  these  there  are  a  large  number  of  producers 
living  within  a  radius  of  seven  to  ten  miles  of  the  city,  who 
bring  their  produce  direct  to  dealers  in  the  market. 

“  As  to  the  inspection  of  goods  it  is  intended  that  it  shall  be 
faithfully  performed.  The  small  amount  which  is  condemned 
within  the  market  limits,  compared  with  the  total  receipts,  as 
well  as  the  observations  of  visitors  from  other  cities,  who  are 
competent  to  form  an  opinion,  warrant  the  statement  that  the 
efforts  meet  with  general  success,  and  are  satisfactory  to  the 
public.” 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


Early  Market  Laws.  Piepowder  Court.  The  Market  Official  and  his 
Duties.  Succession  of  Market  Clerks  or  Superintendents.  George  E.  McKay 
appointed  as  Superintendent  in  1877  by  Mayor  Prince. 

“It  is  very  suitable  that  the  great  market  of  New  England  should  guard 
the  cradle  of  our  country’s  liberty.'1  —  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  August  26,  1876. 


THE  market  was  an  important  institution  of  the  mother 
country  and  was  early  recognized  by  the  founders  of  Bos¬ 
ton.  The  earliest  records  of  a  market  in  the  Old  World  repre¬ 
sent  it  as  a  place  where  law  and  order  prevailed,  to  insure  which 
there  were  officials  whose  word  was  law.  The  founders  of 
Massachusetts  brought  with  them  the  ancient  common  law  of 
the  market.  This  was  to  protect  buyers  and  sellers  alike  ;  it 
protected  the  goods,  regulated  weights  and  measures,  and  settled 
disputes  arising  in  the  market.  The  court  for  settling  these 
questions  was  called  “market”  or  “piepowder”  court,  implying 
that  it  was  conducted  with  few  formalities,  the  parties  at  variance 
appearing  there  with  dusty  feet  ( picds  poudreaux).  The  courts 
where  justice  is  administered  without  juries  are  the  direct  suc¬ 
cessors  of  the  old  piepowder  court. 

The  official  administering  justice  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market  was 
first  known  as  clerk,  but  in  later  years  as  superintendent. 

The  early  laws  of  the  colony  provided  that  “  there  shall  be 
in  every  market  town,  and  all  other  towns  needful,  one  or  two 
able  persons  annually  chosen  by  each  town  who  shall  be  sworn 
at  the  next  county  court,  or  by  the  magistrate,  unto  the  faithful 
discharge  of  his  office.” 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


190 

The  settlers  of  Boston  complied  with  the  law,  and  in  1649 
chose  two  of  their  number  to  be  “  clerks  of  the  market.” 

Their  duties  were  similar  to  those  of  the  market  clerks  of 
England,  where  they  were  charged  with  the  inspection  of  the 
markets,  weights,  measures,  etc. 

But  as  Boston  soon  had  separate  officials,  known  as  sealers 
of  weights  and  measures,  it  appears  that  the  clerks  of  the 
market  were  relieved  of  this  department.  The  duties  left  to 
them  were,  however,  sufficiently  onerous,  requiring  the  exercise 
of  good  judgment  and  impartial  dealing  with  their  fellow-men. 

They  were  by  law  to  enter  into  all  houses  where  bread  was 
baked  for  sale  and  test  the  weight  of  a  loaf,  and  they  were 
also  to  weigh  butter  offered  for  sale. 

If  light  weight  was  detected  the  dealers  were  warned,  and  a 
repetition  of  the  crime  brought  punishment.  The  light  weight 
materials  were  confiscated.  To  be  faithful  and  impartial  in  this 
position  required  all  the  moral  heroism  credited  to  our  pioneer 
ancestors.  The  first  clerks  of  the  market  were  Jeremy  Houchin 
and  James  Penn.  They  served  for  two  years.  Their  compen¬ 
sation  was  the  fees  allowed  by  law  —  “  one-third  part  of  all  for¬ 
feit  was  for  his  pains,  and  the  remainder  going  to  the  poor.” 

Jeremy  Houchin  lived  at  the  southeast  corner  of  Hanover  and 
Court  streets,  the  latter  being  called  Sudbury  Street,  and  the 
first  street  in  the  town  with  a  recorded  name.  Houchin  was  a 
tanner  and  enjoyed  special  favors  through  market  regulations. 

The  province  laws  required  the  clerks  of  the  market  to  enter 
each  house  where  bread  was  for  sale  as  often  as  once  a  week 
and  test  the  weight.  As  the  assize  of  bread  was  continually 
changing,  according  to  the  price  of  flour,  the  clerk  needed  to  be 
vigilant.  The  selectmen  posted  the  price  of  flour  once  a  month, 
and  the  weight  of  loaves  was  thereby  regulated. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  frequent  changes  in  this  office  took 
place,  the  same  person  serving  but  a  short  time. 

A  market  is  often  spoken  of  in  the  records,  but  one  requiring  a 


Superintendent  George  E.  McIvay  holding  Court 


THE  MARKET  OFFICIAL 


191 

special  clerk  or  superintendent  did  not  appear  until  1734,  when 
three  market  houses  were  set  up.  It  was  on  June  2  of  1734 
that  the  doors  of  these  markets  were  opened  and  these  officials 
began  their  arduous  task.  Captain  John  Steel  was  stationed  at 
the  north,  and  Mr.  Francis  Wiloughby  at  the  south,  while  Cap¬ 
tain  James  Watson  was  on  duty  at  Dock  Square  Market. 

They  were  soon  in  trouble,  for  quarrels  arose  between  the 
butchers  and  keepers  of  the  stalls,  which  resulted  in  the  expul¬ 
sion  of  the  butchers  and  the  erection  of  sheds  outside  for  them 
to  rent.  Dock  Square  Market  was  the  most  popular,  and  before 
the  end  of  the  first  year  the  clerk  asked  for  an  assistant,  but 
the  voters  refused  any  such  aid. 

In  the  following  years  the  office  was  abolished,  and  it  was 
voted  not  to  have  the  market  bell  rung.  Clerk  and  sextons 
were  voted  their  salary  for  the  past  year,  but  no  provision  was 
made  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  ordinary  clerks  of  the  market 
were  elected,  but  the  special  clerk  did  not  then  appear  on  the 
roll  of  the  officers  voted.  Faneuil  Hall  Market  was  established 
in  1742,  when  Peter  Faneuil  was  granted  the  privilege  of  nomi¬ 
nating  a  friend  of  his  for  the  office.  Thomas  Jackson  then 
appears  as  the  first  clerk  or  superintendent  of  Faneuil  Hall 
Market.  He  was  early  granted  an  assistant,  Joseph  Grey,  who 
was  to  sweep  the  market  house.  The  market  official  was 
clothed  with  great  authority,  which  he  has  ever  since  had  to 
enable  him  to  enforce  the  laws.  “  To  see  that  the  Rules  are 
obeyed  ”  was  his  order  when  Samuel  Adams  was  in  authority  in 
Boston. 

The  market  bell  was  rung  at  sunrise,  and  has  continued  to 
make  its  regular  announcement  until  recent  times.  The  gong 
which  proclaims  the  opening  of  to-day  is  but  a  following  up  of 
that  early  custom  when  the  first  clerk  performed  his  first  duty  in 
Dock  Square. 

Artificial  heat  was  not  compatible  with  the  business,  and  only 
that  for  the  comfort  of  office  clerks  has  ever  been  allowed,  but 


192 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


even  that  was  denied  John  Staniford,  the  second  clerk,  who 
asked  for  a  “fire  room.”  This  superintendent  received  for  his 
self-denial  and  services  the  small  sum  of  £ 20  per  annum. 

The  “  clerks  of  the  market  ’’  increased  with  the  growth  and 
extension  of  the  town,  each  ward  having  one  of  these  officials, 
but  their  duties  were  merely  those  of  a  police  officer,  looking 
after  bakers,  to  see  that  they  gave  the  regulation  weight  and 
measure.  But  the  clerk  assigned  to  Laneuil  Hall  Market  was 
entrusted  with  the  duties  of  a  judge  and  jury,  and  to  a  limited 
extent  that  official  has  continued  to  exercise  this  authority, 
holding  the  “  piepowder  ’’  court,  through  all  the  history  of 
Faneuil  Hall  Market,  thus  relieving  the  municipal  court  of  a 
much  more  crowded  docket  than  it  has  ever  had  to  absorb  its 
time. 

Isaac  Dupee  served  for  a  series  of  years,  and  it  was  Abijah 
Adams  who,  as  an  interested  official,  stood  by  in  1761  and 
fought  the  flames  until  they  thwarted  all  efforts,  and  all  that 
could  be  consumed  of  the  market  was  swept  away. 

He  held  over,  without  his  salary,  until  the  house  was  rebuilt, 
and  in  1763  resumed  duties  in  the  new  building.  Soon  after 
the  reopening  Mr.  Adams  was  ordered  to  see  that  the  butchers 
conformed  to  the  terms  of  their  leases  in  bringing  a  hide  to  the 
tanner  to  correspond  with  each  carcass  of  beef  offered  for  sale 
at  the  market. 

The  voters  seemed  to  follow  in  the  line  of  the  old  English 
common  law  as  to  restricting  farmers  to  selling  the  products  of 
their  own  farm  within  the  market  limits.  They  were  not 
allowed  to  bring  in  any  poultry,  only  that  raised  by  themselves. 
But  such  restrictions  were  made  upon  the  presumption  of 
Puritan  integrity,  which  had  become  somewhat  adulterated,  and 
only  gave  rise  to  troubles,  resulting  in  early  change. 

The  duties  of  the  clerk  of  the  market  can  best  be  appreciated 
when  we  consider  the  manner  of  collecting  the  rents  in  the 
pre-Revolutionary  days.  Mr.  Adams  was  ordered  to  collect 


THE  MARKET  OFFICIAL 


193 


eight  shillings  per  month,  or  eight  coppers  per  day,  from  each 
person  who  erected  a  stall  or  put  his  “  panyers  ”  (panniers)  or 
carts  within  the  limits  of  the  market  at  west  door.  Each  cart 
with  beef  or  sauce  that  stood  in  any  other  place  within  the 
market  limits  was  to  pay  five  coppers  per  day,  and  each  horse¬ 
back  marketman  should  pay  two  coppers  per  day  for  a  pair  of 
panniers.  And  the  official  was  ordered  to  exclude  all  market- 
men  who  did  not  conform  to  the  rules.  In  order  that  he  might 
be  vigilant,  he  was  allowed  one-fourth  of  all  he  collected  of  the 
butchers  and  country  people  in  the  way  of  fees,  provided  he 
paid  the  balance  over  to  the  town  treasurer  at  the  end  of  each 
week. 

But  these  rules  were  sure  to  bring  ruin  to  the  market  enter¬ 
prise,  and  the  market  clerk,  being  human,  was  soon  reported 
too  ill  to  perform  the  duties,  when  Benjamin  Clark  came  into 
power.  His  was  a  term  of  unrest  on  all  sides.  In  addition  to 
his  ordinary  duties,  he  had  the  officers  of  the  king’s  army 
to  appease  when  they  came  with  complaints  of  discourteous 
treatment  from  the  stallkeepers. 

While  trying  to  keep  peace  with  all,  he  was  an  avowed 
patriot,  and  ventured  to  leave  his  post  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
memorable  16th  of  December,  1773,  and  was  among  the  com¬ 
pany  who  converted  Boston  harbor  into  a  teapot. 

So  scarce  were  provisions  during  the  siege  that  there  was 
little  or  no  effort  to  enforce  market  rules.  But  on  June  5,  1776, 
following  the  evacuation,  there  was  a  committee  chosen  to 
regulate  the  market,  and  George  Lindsay  Wallace  was  made 
clerk. 

In  September,  1776,  leases  were  given  of  stalls,  and  new  men 
appeared  ready  to  begin  business.  It  was  not  long  before  fore¬ 
stalling  made  its  appearance  again.  The  farmer  believed  he 
was  underpaid,  while  the  consumer  maintained  that  prices  were 
exorbitant,  and  both  found  fault  with  the  middleman  who  medi¬ 
ated  between  buyer  and  seller  and  took  a  percentage  of  profit 


o 


194 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


for  his  services.  The  clerk  was  powerless,  and  the  aid  of  the 
General  Court  was  invoked  to  put  a  stop  to  the  “  brutish 
conduct.” 

Mr.  Wallace  stood  in  the  gap  through  all  this  trying  period, 
having  as  his  compensation  £7  icw.  specie  per  quarter.  At  his 
death,  Mr.  Matthew  Nazro,  who  had  been  employed  to  warn 
strangers  from  town,  was  placed  in  the  position  and  ordered 
to  demand  and  collect  all  that  was  due  from  each  stallkeeper. 
He  was  succeeded  by  William  Gooch,  who  served  several  years. 
He  was  ordered  to  collect  the  rents  and  turn  them  over  to  the 
treasurer  once  a  month  or  vacate  the  office. 

The  demand  for  stalls  under  Faneuil  Hall,  or  space  in  the 
shambles,  was  so  great  that  in  1791  sealed  proposals  for  hiring 
were  received,  and  objectionable  parties  were  rejected.  The 
rents  were  collected  weekly,  and  Mr.  Nathaniel  Merriam  was 
chosen  in  1815.  Merriam  was  kept  busy  signing  his  name  to 
the  little  bills  of  “one  dollar  and  fifty  cents,”  as  “clerk  of 
Faneuil  Hall  Market.” 

The  rapid  growth  of  the  town  occasioned  an  increasing 
demand  for  market  room,  and  all  sorts  of  plans  were  devised 
for  the  relief  of  the  congested  market  quarters.  It  was  impos¬ 
sible  for  any  market  official  to  deal  justly  by  all  parties  touched 
by  his  authority.  With  the  adoption  of  a  city  charter  and  abol¬ 
ishing  of  town  government,  there  came  the  enterprise  of  Mayor 
Quincy  and  the  building  of  the  long  market,  which  was  opened 
in  August,  1826.  Caleb  Hayward  was  superintendent,  but  was 
still  called  clerk.  Although  for  a  time  all  of  the  stalls  were 
not  occupied,  yet,  as  rents  were  collected  weekly,  he  was  kept 
busy,  for  the  new  market  must  be  kept  scrupulously  clean  and 
new  rules  must  be  obeyed. 

He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Nourse,  who  was  followed  by  Mr. 
Rhodes.  He  is  remembered  as  an  official  who  appreciated  his 
situation  and  acted  well  his  part  in  making  the  great  enterprise 
a  success.  It  was  during  his  term  of  office  that  President  Polk 


SUCCESSION  OF  MARKET  CLERKS 


195 


visited  Boston.  He,  of  course,  was  taken  to  Faneuil  Hall,  and 
while  in  Dock  Square  had  his  attention  directed  to  the  market, 
an  especial  object  of  pride  to  the  young  city. 

The  clerk,  Mr.  Rhodes,  received  the  visiting  party  at  the 
door  and  walked  in  front  down  the  market  corridor,  announc¬ 
ing  in  stentorian  tones,  “  Make  way,  gentlemen,  for  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States !  The  President  of  the  United  States! 
Fellow-citizens,  make  room !  ”  The  chief,  meanwhile,  had  stepped 
into  a  stall  to  look  at  some  attractive  game,  leaving  the  conse¬ 
quential  official  walking  alone.  Presently  Mr.  Rhodes  turned 
around,  and  seeing  the  situation,  exclaimed,  “  My  gracious, 
where  has  the  d - — d  fool  gone  ?  ” 

Charles  B.  Rice,  appointed  in  1852,  was  next  in  order,  and 
had  a  quarter  of  a  century  of  service.  Among  his  official 
duties  was  that  of  inspector  of  provisions,  which  of  itself  was 
a  most  arduous  task  when  the  entire  meat  supply  was  fur¬ 
nished  by  the  butchers  who  slaughtered  their  cattle,  sheep, 
hogs,  and  poultry  within  a  few  miles  of  Boston. 

This  stock  was  brought  to  the  market  in  wagons,  which  were 
backed  up  to  the  market,  making  most  busy  hours.  Various 
devices  were  resorted  to  for  relief  of  the  market  section.  The 
old  plan  of  collecting  from  marketmen  a  fee  for  the  use  of  a 
stand  was  revived,  but  the  country  people  rebelled  and  the 
Supreme  Court  was  invoked  in  their  behalf,  the  decision  being 
handed  down  that,  according  to  early  agreements,  the  market 
space  must  be  open  for  the  free  use  of  the  country  people,  for 
whose  benefit  it  had  long  before  been  set  apart. 

Many  of  the  present  marketmen  will  remember  when  no 
team  was  allowed  to  enter  the  market  section  until  a  specified 
hour,  when  scores  and  hundreds  of  teams  that  had  stood  out¬ 
side  were  rushed  in  and  great  confusion  ensued. 

Another  experiment  was  tried.  It  was  equally  as  injurious 
to  the  market  as  uncomfortable  to  the  farmers.  The  teams 
were  all  ordered  to  a  place  well  known  as  “  the  dumps,”  where 


196 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


they  were  to  await  the  coming  of  customers.  But  at  length  all 
of  these  experiments  failed,  and  the  freedom  now  enjoyed  was 
the  boon  of  the  marketmen. 

Through  all  these  changes,  the  superintendent,  knowing  his 
power,  did  not  fail  to  exercise  it,  and  by  long  continuance  in 
the  position,  assumed,  perhaps  unconsciously,  the  role  of  an 
autocrat  of  the  market.  At  length,  in  1877,  when  there  was 
a  change  in  the  politics  of  the  city  government,  there  came  an 
effort  to  have  a  change  in  the  market. 

A  majority  of  the  holders  of  market  leases  petitioned  for  the 
continuance  of  Mr.  Rice,  while  a  minority  of  persistent  men 
filed  a  petition  for  the  appointment  of  a  new  man.  Mr.  George 
E.  McKay  was  brought  forward  and  strongly  indorsed  by  Hon. 
Richard  Frothingham,  who  saw  in  the  candidate  just  the 
qualities  for  the  position.  The  party  feeling  ran  high,  and  the 
market  committee  of  the  city  decided  to  grant  a  hearing  to 
the  marketmen. 

The  majority,  representing  a  large  per  cent  of  the  business, 
urged  their  claims  and  asked  for  the  continuance  of  Mr.  Rice ; 
but  the  minority  came  on,  like  David  with  his  sling,  and  downed 
the  Goliath. 

The  movements  of  that  minority  constitute  one  of  the  memo¬ 
rable  occasions  of  the  market  history.  They  formed  in  line, 
agreeable  to  concerted  action,  and  marched  up  to  the  city  hall, 
where  they  were  courteously  received.  One  after  another, 
accustomed  to  the  rostrum  as  well  as  the  market,  stepped  out 
and  gave  his  reasons  in  support  of  the  petition  for  the  change, 
and  at  last  one  of  the  younger  stallkeepers  —  known  as  “  the 
boy”  —  Mr.  Frank  Crosby  —  timidly  but  unflinchingly  stepped 
forward  and  applied  his  logic  ;  it  was  terse  and  convincing, 
although  embellished  by  no  rhetorical  flourishes. 

He  had  been  trained  in  argument  in  the  little  red  schoolhouse 
of  the  town  of  Bedford,  and  did  credit  to  his  youthful  instruc¬ 
tion  in  the  district  school.  The  decision  was  in  favor  of  the 


GEORGE  EDWARD  McKAY 


197 


minority,  and  Mr.  McKay  was  installed  in  office  as  superintend¬ 
ent  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market  in  April,  1877.  He  gave  a  bond  for 
$10,000,  with  Thomas  B.  Harris  and  Everett  Torrey  as  sureties. 

George  Edward  McKay,  son  of  George  McKay  and  Jane 
Phillips,  was  born  in  Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  January  26, 
1841.  He  was  endowed  with  the  prestige  of  the  best  of 
Scotch  blood,  and  was  educated  in  the  local  schools  of  his 
native  city.  After  leaving  the  high  school,  he  found  employ¬ 
ment  as  clerk  in  a  tailoring 
establishment.  He  contin¬ 
ued  in  this  service  until  he 
had  acquired  sufficient  in¬ 
sight  into  the  business  to 
enter  it  for  himself.  In 
1867  he  joined  with  Mr. 

McDonald  in  organizing 
the  firm  of  McDonald  & 

McKay,  which  continued  in 
a  prosperous  manner  until 
1872,  when  the  former  re¬ 
tired  from  business,  and  Mr. 

McKay  followed  the  busi¬ 
ness  until  1 877,  when  he  was 
appointed  superintendent  of 
Faneuil  Hall  Market  by  Mayor  Prince,  and  has  had  each  suc¬ 
cessive  appointment  to  the  present  time,  1900. 

Mr.  McKay  is  affiliated  with  many  organizations.  He  is  a 
Past  Grand  of  Howard  Lodge,  I.O.O.F.,  of  Charlestown; 
Past  Master  of  Henry  Price  Lodge,  F.  and  A.  M.  ;  a  member 
of  Signet  Royal  Arch  Chapter  of  Masons ;  Coeur  de  Lion  Com- 
mandery,  Knights  Templars;  Paul  Revere  Lodge,  Knights  of 
Honor;  Veteran  Odd  Fellows’  Association  of  Massachusetts; 
National  Lancers  of  Boston;  Boston  Club;  and  Bay  State 
Riding  and  Driving  Club  of  Watertown. 


McKay  Badge 


198 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


He  was  young  and  inexperienced  in  market  business  when 
he  entered  the  service  of  the  city  of  Boston,  and  had  a  majority 
against  the  change,  although  not  personally  prejudiced  against 
him.  Having  a  keen  discernment  of  human  nature  and  becom¬ 
ing  familiar  with  the  laws  which  he  was  sworn  to  uphold,  he 
started  with  the  determination  to  deal  justly  by  all.  One  of 
the  veterans  of  the  market  was  soon  detected  in  violation  of  a 
market  law  by  smoking  a  cigar  in  front  of  his  stall.  The 
young  superintendent,  fearless  but  gentlemanly,  remonstrated 
with  the  offender,  who  was  inclined  to  vindicate  himself,  but, 
persistent  in  the  right,  Mr.  McKay  conquered  this  man  and  all 
other  opponents. 

On  the  first  anniversary  of  his  election,  1878,  this  young 
superintendent  was  called  into  Faneuil  Hall  and  there  con¬ 
fronted  by  the  stallkeepers  and  expressmen.  The  former  pre¬ 
sented  him  a  gold  badge  and  the  latter  a  gold-headed  cane. 
On  the  badge  is  read:  — 


Superintendent  of  Faneuil  Hall 
Market, 

City  of  Boston 
Police. 

Faneuil  Hall  Inspectors. 


On  the  reverse  side  :  — 


GEORGE  E.  McKAY,  Esq., 
From 

Occupants  of  the  Market, 
March  1 1,  1878. 


GEORGE  EDWARD  McKAY 


199 


On  the  cane  is  inscribed  the  fact  of  the  gift  from  “  a  few 
of  the  expressmen.” 

The  presentation  address  was  by  J.  Herman  Curtis,  who  had 
been  strongly  opposed  to  the  change,  but  who  said  in  his  felici¬ 
tous  address :  “  Within  sixty  days  after  your  appointment  I 
became  convinced  that  in  appointing  you  the  mayor  had  filled 
the  bill  to  a  T.” 

Mr.  Curtis  further  said  :  “  I  have  been  under  all  the  adminis¬ 
trations  and  have  had  experience  with  all  your  predecessors, 
and  I  say  to  you  that  I  never  knew  a  more  faithful,  able,  and 
gentlemanly  superintendent  than  yourself,  and  particularly  one 
who  could  say  no  without  giving  offence.” 

In  response  to  these  memorable  words  the  superintendent 
gave  utterance  to  his  gratitude  in  language  that  revealed  the 
scholarly  gentleman  which  he  has  ever  proved  himself  to  be. 

By  the  friendly  feeling  known  to  exist  between  stallkeepers, 
marketmen,  and  superintendent,  we  may  safely  infer  that  the 
sentiments  expressed  on  that  first  anniversary  are  repeated  with 
increased  emphasis,  now  that  George  E.  McKay  has  attained  his 
majority  as  superintendent ;  and  we  doubt  if  the  city  of  Boston 
has  a  more  faithful  servant  than  the  genial  man  who  has  served 
in  this  important  capacity  for  more  than  twenty-two  years.  All 
admit  that  he  has  done  much  to  establish  the  enviable  reputa¬ 
tion  which  is  accorded  to  Faneuil  Hall  Market  abroad,  where  his 
methods  and  manners  are  quoted  as  examples  for  well-regulated 
markets. 

Scarcely  a  day  passes  that  this  market  official  is  not  called 
upon  to  pass  judgment  upon  questions  of  right  arising  between 
buyer  and  seller,  and  his  decisions  are  received  as  just  and  final. 

As  a  faithful  teacher  becomes  endeared  to  his  pupils,  or  the 
captain  of  a  military  company  to  his  men,  so  this  superintendent 
has  formed  a  strong  attachment  for  each  and  all  of  the  stall- 
keepers.  He  says:  “While  as  city  tenants  we  have  never  formed 
any  political  alliances,  and  charitable  organizations  do  not  exist 


200 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


among  us,  yet  the  marketmen  abound  in  deeds  of  charity  and 
expressions  of  sympathy.” 

The  marketman’s  heart  and  hand  are  closely  allied.  Is  one 
of  that  number  in  trouble  or  sorrow,  all  are  touched.  Does  one 
fall  out  by  the  way,  his  family  receive  their  kindly  ministrations. 
Is  the  city  called  upon  to  send  relief  to  some  city  or  town  in 
distress,  the  marketmen  are  cpiick  to  respond. 

The  great  Chicago  fire  called  out  from  them  a  purse  of  nearly 
$7000.  Boston’s  relief  to  the  distressed  city  of  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  in  1886,  contained  from  the  market  a  purse  of 
$2842.  In  the  following  year  the  Jacksonville,  Florida,  sufferers 
received  from  the  market  the  sum  of  $1 146.  In  1894  the  market- 
men  contributed  to  the  unemployed  of  Boston  a  purse  of  $1713. 
A  Thanksgiving  offering  is  made  annually  to  the  Soldiers’  Home 
at  Chelsea,  when  everything  for  a  good  old-fashioned  New  Eng¬ 
land  Thanksgiving  dinner  is  contributed  in  old-fashioned  quanti¬ 
ties,  so  that  the  guests  may  “  cut  and  come  again  for  more  than 
a  week.”  Surely  superintendent  and  marketmen  are  examples 
for  the  emulation  of  the  people. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


The  Market  and  Boston’s  Days  of  Celebration.  Reception  to  President 
Washington  in  1789.  The  Introduction  of  Water  in  1848.  Semi-centennial 
of  Opening  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  1876. 


ANEUIL  HALL  MARKET  has  been  represented  in  Bos- 


J-  ton’s  great  celebrations,  the  stallkeepers  being  conspicu¬ 
ous  in  the  processions.  When  the  first  President  of  the  United 
States  visited  the  town  in  October,  1789,  he  was  given  a  great 
reception,  a  prominent  feature  of  the  civic  department  being  the 
representation  of  the  various  industries  and  institutions  of  learn¬ 
ing,  there  being  fifty  of  them,  each  bearing  its  own  banner. 
The  manufactures,  in  which  Washington  took  marked  interest, 
were  individually  represented.  In  the  educational  section  ap¬ 
peared  Schoolmaster  Oliver  W.  Lane  with  his  pupils,  each 
carrying  a  large  goose-quill.  Oliver  Holden,  the  sweet  singer, 
was  there  with  his  trained  choir,  who  sang  to  the  honor  of 
the  President : 


“  Great  Washington  the  hero’s  come, 


Each  heart  exulting  hears  the  sound, 
See  !  thousands  their  deliverer  throng. 


And  shout  him  welcome  all  around.” 


The  stallkeepers  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market  had  their  place,  as 
the  procession  made  its  way  through  the  town,  while  demon¬ 
strations  of  joy  were  manifest  on  all  sides. 

Faneuil  Hall  was  of  interest  to  Washington.  He  was 
escorted  to  the  building  when  on  his  first  visit  to  Boston  in 


201 


202 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


1756,  by  Governor  William  Shirley,  who  was  proud  of  the 
benevolent  act  of  his  lamented  friend,  Peter  Faneuil. 

When  entering  Boston,  after  the  evacuation  in  March,  1776, 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Continental  army  was  pecul¬ 
iarly  grateful  to  find  that  Faneuil  Hall  had  not  been  more 
seriously  damaged  by  the  King’s  army. 

The  water  celebration  of  1848  was  one  in  which  the 
marketmen  were  deeply  interested.  While  the  market  house 
afforded  many  conveniences  for  business,  it  was  lacking  in  an 
adequate  water  supply,  because  t’he  city  was  deficient  in  this 
particular.  The  “living  fountains,”  which  the  Indian  name 
“  Shawmut  ”  signifies,  were  not  sufficient  for  a  large  population. 
The  old  wooden  pumps,1  with  iron  handles,  located  at  either 
side  and  at  the  lower  end  of  the  market  house,  were  continually 
in  use,  but  the  water  for  all  purposes  in  the  market  was  carried 
by  hand  in  buckets,  and  frequently  the  stallkeepers  were 
obliged  to  go  down  to  Long  Wharf  for  extra  supply.  The 
sanitary  accommodations,  furthermore,  were  of  the  most  primi¬ 
tive  nature.  An  attempt  was  made  in  1795  to  provide  water 
for  the  town  by  introducing  a  supply  from  Jamaica  Pond  in 
Roxbury,  and  the  Aqueduct  Company  was  formed  for  that 
purpose. 

This  was  helpful  to  many  parts  of  the  town,  but  the  pine-log 
pipes  were  insufficient  conductors,  and  the  supply  was  inade¬ 
quate.  Mayor  Quincy,  in  his  inaugural  address  of  1826,  urged 
that  Boston  spring  water  was  injurious  to  general  health. 
At  length,  in  1848,  the  water  of  Long  Pond,  or  Lake  Cochitu- 
ate,  in  Framingham  and  Natick,  was  introduced  into  the  city, 

1  It  may  be  reasonably  inferred  that  one  of  these  wells  was  that  which,  after  much 
discussion,  was  ordered  to  be  dug  in  Dock  Square  and  fitted  with  a  pump  during 
the  summer  of  1774.  (See  town  records.) 

The  Boston  Gazette  of  1767  urged  Boston  people  to  seek  for  pure  water  at 
Newtown,  where  a  mineral  spring  had  been  discovered,  and  where  accommodations 
for  board  and  bathing  had  been  provided.  A  public  conveyance  to  and  from  Boston 
was  also  provided  at  reasonable  rates. 


SEMI-CENTENNIAL  OF  OPENING 


203 


and  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  October,  1848,  was  one  memorable  in 
the  history  of  the  city,  and  in  the  annals  of  Faneuil  Hall 
Market.  Just  as  the  sun  was  setting,  and  in  the  presence  of 
thousands  of  citizens  who  had  gathered  on  the  Common, 
Mayor  Josiah  Quincy  turned  a  stopcock  near  the  fountain  in 
the  Frog  Pond,  and  formally  introduced  “Aqueduct”  water 
into  Boston.  It  was  a  day  of  general  rejoicing,  and  was  de¬ 
voted  to  parades,  music,  feastings,  and  congratulations,  for  it 
was  the  culmination  of  years  of  earnest  service  on  the  part  of 
the  promoters  of  the  system. 

The  parade  was  participated  in  by  representatives  of  every 
trade  in  the  city  :  the  Masonic  and  other  civic  bodies,  the  entire 
State  militia,  and  the  sailors  in  port.  Conspicuous  in  the 
trades’  procession  was  the  delegation  from  Faneuil  Hall  Mar¬ 
ket,  composed  of  two  hundred  marketmen  attired  in  white  linen 
frocks,  and  accompanied  by  the  famous  Dodworth  Band  of 
New  York.  Of  these  two  hundred  men,  five  survived  at  the 
semi-centennial  of  the  celebration,  and  at  the  time  of  writing, 
these  veterans  are:  Samuel  D.  Skilton  of  Charlestown,  who 
occupied  Stall  24  in  Faneuil  Hall  Market;  Horatio  Hovey 
of  Cambridge,  who  occupied  Stall  32  ;  Samuel  S.  Learnard  of 
Brighton,  of  Stalls  50  and  52  ;  and  Mr.  Stacy  Hall  of  the  firm 
of  Hall  &  Cole. 

The  marketmen’s  own  celebration  was  that  of  the  semi-cen¬ 
tennial  of  the  opening  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market,  August  26, 
1876  (the  year  when  the  whole  country  was  engaged  in  a 
grand  celebration  in  Philadelphia).  This  was  planned  and  exe¬ 
cuted  by  the  men  of  the  stalls,  and  for  brilliancy  of  design  with 
success  of  execution  stands  in  the  history  of  Boston  as  one  of 
the  most  creditable  occasions. 

The  Committee  of  Arrangements  consisted  of  J.  V.  Fletcher, 
chairman ;  George  E.  Tinkham,  secretary ;  N.  Brimbecom,- 
W.  H.  H.  Furber,  Henry  Farnum,  L.  B.  Hiscock,  Increase  E. 
Noyes,  S.  F.  Woodbridge,  Stacy  Hall,  D.  E.  Butterfield,  Free- 


204 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


man  J.  Doe,  John  P.  Squire,  H.  L.  Lawrence,  George  H.  Phil- 
brook,  Tra  Hiland,  A.  H.  Jones,  C.  E.  Morrison,  L.  D.  Jackson, 
S.  S.  Learnard,  Winsor  Gleason,  D.  G.  Hartwell,  Samuel  B. 
Krogman. 

Faneuil  Hall  Square  presented  a  brilliant  appearance  on  the 
day  of  the  celebration  ;  between  the  market  and  Faneuil  Hall 
was  a  display  of  flags  of  different  nations,  while  the  American 
ensign  nearly  covered  the  fronts  of  the  two  buildings,  and 
floated  from  the  staff  above  the  time-honored  “  golden  grass¬ 
hopper.”  The  interior  of  the  market  was  profusely  decorated 
with  flags,  bunting,  the  arms  of  the  several  States  of  the  Union, 
shields,  masonic  devices  and  emblems.  The  Stars  and  Stripes 
hung  suspended  above  the  entrance-way  of  each  stall,  “  as  if 
the  nation's  honor  was  the  first  concern  of  the  marketmen.” 
Faneuil  Hall,  where  the  banquet  was  given,  was  made  brilliant 
with  the  emblems  of  the  nation  and  of  freedom. 

Invitations  were  extended  to  many  noted  people,  who  cheer¬ 
fully  responded,  recognizing  the  happy  combination  of  patriot¬ 
ism  and  provisions  that  signalized  the  occasion.  At  three 
o’clock  the  holders  of  tickets  assembled  in  South  Market 
Street,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred,  and  formed  in  proces¬ 
sion,  with  Brown’s  Band  at  the  head,  under  Chief  Marshal 
Dunbar,  his  aids  and  assistants.  The  four  veterans,  those  who 
remained  of  the  first  occupants  of  the  market  house,  consti¬ 
tuted  the  first  division.  They  were  the  recipients  of  special 
honors,  being  presented  with  ebony  canes  having  gold  heads 
and  suitably  inscribed  :  — 

“Presented  to - - - ,  by  the  occupants  of  Faneuil  Hall 

Market,  Boston,  August  26,  1876.” 

The  honored  four  were  J.  Herman  Curtis,  Harrison  Bird, 
Ebenezer  Holden,  Nathan  Robbins;  each  received  an  accom¬ 
panying  letter  of  tender  expression  from  the  secretary,  George 
H.  Tinkham,  in  behalf  of  the  marketmen. 


Mayor  Cobb  and  Four  Original  Occupants  of  Faneuil  Hall  Market  on  the  Fiftieth  Anniversary,  August  28,  1876 


SEMI-CENTENNIAL  OF  OPENING 


205 


After  the  presentation  the  company  was  photographed  by 
J.  W.  Black,  and  then  passed  into  the  hall,  and  to  the 
bountifully  spread  tables.  The  chaplain  of  the  day,  Rev. 
Warren  H.  Cudworth,  invoked  the  divine  blessing  upon  the 
occasion  and  the  assembled  company. 

The  after-dinner  remarks  were  happily  conducted  by  the 
president  of  the  day,  who  reminded  the  company  that  of  the 
large  number  of  occupants  of  the  market  at  the  opening  in 
1826,  but  seven  were  living,  and  only  four  of  them  remained  in 
active  service. 

In  the  absence  of  his  Honor  the  Mayor,  Samuel  C.  Cobb, 
the  first  speaker  was  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  who,  with  many 
happy  expressions,  said  :  “  Out  of  the  past  come  voices  which 
seem  to  me  to  say :  ‘  Have  confidence  in  yourselves ;  confi¬ 
dence  in  the  future  of  the  noble  city  for  which  in  our  day  we 
did  what  we  could.’  This  faith  was  shown  by  the  conduct  of 
those  who  endowed  the  city  with  this  market.  And  in  that 
day,  when  there  was  no  betterment  law,  it  required  some  faith 
to  extend  and  widen  streets,  and  in  other  ways  to  prepare  for 
the  coming  times.  When  this  market  arose,  as  it  were,  out  of 
the  mud,  there  was  not  a  railway  on  the  land  nor  a  steamship 
on  the  ocean.  Our  back  country  extended  some  forty  miles 
into  the  interior,  or  a  little  farther,  perhaps,  in  the  winter,  when 
the  sleighing  was  good. 

“  The  second  mayor,  to  whom  allusion  has  been  made,  was 
once  asked  upon  what  he  rested  his  faith  in  the  future  of  Bos¬ 
ton  at  a  time  when  circumstances  were  far  from  encouraging. 
He  replied,  ‘Upon  the  character  of  her  citizens;  with  the 
sagacity,  enterprise,  and  capital  that  they  possess,  a  city  could 
be  built  anywhere.’  ” 

His  Excellency  the  Governor,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  in  a  felici¬ 
tous  speech,  said,  “  If  early  fortune  had  left  him  his  choice  he 
thought  he  should  have  chosen  above  all  other  things  to  be  a 
Faneuil  Hall  marketman,”  and  in  speaking  of  the  second 


206 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


mayor,  Josiah  Quincy,  he  said,  “All  that  is  illustrious  and  saga¬ 
cious  as  a  magistrate,  all  that  is  profound  as  a  scholar,  all  that 
is  patriotic  as  a  self-denying  citizen  and  wise  as  a  statesman, 
all  that  is  sagacious  and  prudent  in  a  business  man,  he  possessed 
in  the  highest  degree.” 

Alderman  John  T.  Clark,  in  the  absence  of  the  mayor,  repre¬ 
sented  the  city.  He  eloquently  pointed  out  how  the  prophetic 
language  of  the  elder  Quincy  had  been  verified  —  “a  proud  memo¬ 
rial  of  the  public  spirit  and  unanimity  of  the  city  council  and 
of  the  liberality  of  their  fellow-citizens,  an  ornament  to  the  city, 
a  convenience  to  its  inhabitants,  a  blessing  to  the  poor,  an 
accommodation  to  the  rich,  and  an  object  of  pleasure  to  the 
whole  community.” 

Others  who  followed  were  Curtis  Guild,  George  B.  Loring, 
S.  B.  Finney,  Nathaniel  Childs,  in  verse,  Rev.  W.  H.  Cud- 
worth  and  Rev.  J.  M.  Atwood,  Rev.  E.  W.  Gibbs,  J.  B.  D. 
Coggswell,  and  the  veterans  of  the  market.  The  whole  con¬ 
cluding  with  the  singing  of  a  verse  of  “  Auld  Lang  Syne.” 


CHAPTER  XX 


Faneuil  Hall  and  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company. 

“The  Natives  trembled  when  they  saw  them  train,  and  old  as  well  as  young 
stood  still  and  reverenced  them  as  they  passed  along  in  martial  order.” 

—  Doctor  Colman  in  1738. 

BOSTON’S  ancient  military  organization  early  found  shelter 
in  Faneuil  Hall.  Robert  Keayne,  a  prominent  merchant 
and  somewhat  eccentric  citizen  of  the  town,  was  the  leading  char¬ 
ter  member  of  the  Company  in  1638,  and  by  his  will,  probated 
in  May,  1656,  he  gave  a  legacy  to  the  town  of  A300  for  a  town 
house  in  which  there  should  be  an  armory  for  the  benefit  of 
“That  noble  Society  of  the  Artillery  Company.”  Keayne’s 
legacy  was  applied  toward  the  expense  of  building  the  town 
house  in  163 7- 165 8.  In  this  structure  at  the  head  of  King 
(State)  Street,  through  its  various  changes,  the  Company  had 
their  armory  for  nearly  a  century.  The  town,  through  accept¬ 
ing  Keayne’s  legacy,  was  under  obligations  to  make  provision 
for  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  ;  hence,  after 
the  acceptance  of  Peter  Faneuil’s  gift  as  a  town  house,  arrange¬ 
ments  were  made  for  the  Company  in  PTneuil  Hall,  and  in 
April,  1746,  it  appears  that  the  organization  held  a  meeting  there, 
but  it  was  several  years  before  they  seem  to  have  recognized  it 
as  their  armory ;  and  very  soon  after  they  were  fully  settled 
there  they  were  driven  from  it  by  the  fire  of  1761.  Upon 
returning  to  Faneuil  Hall  in  1762,  the  Company  took  measures 
to  preserve  their  dignity  and  honor  through  adopting  certain 


207 


208 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


rules  and  regulations,  one  of  which  was  that  the  governor  and 
council  be  invited  on  the  anniversary  when  the  officers  were 
elected,  and  that  there  be  an  entertainment  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
and  the  expenses  be  divided  between  the  commissioned  officers. 
The  entertainment  for  the  inner  man  was  very  simple,  consisting 
of  “  punch,  wine,  and  bread  and  nothing  more.”  It  was  care¬ 
fully  stated  that  pipes  and  tobacco  be  excluded,  and  that  the 
company  and  guests  be  dismissed  in  time  so  as  to  prevent  the 
expense  of  candles.  But  such  frugality  did  not  continue  long; 
the  early  Boston  appetite  called  for  a  more  elaborate  bill  of  fare. 
In  1763  cheese  was  allowed,  and  it  was  recorded  in  the  News 
Letter  that  “  a  plentiful  repast  was  given  by  the  newly  elected 
officers,  at  Faneuil  Hall  where  many  healths  were  drank.”  The 
first  Monday  of  June  was  the  day  for  the  annual  election  and 
the  formalities  that  accompanied  it,  which,  with  but  slight  altera¬ 
tions,  have  been  continued  to  the  present  time.  At  early  morn 
the  fife  and  drum  are  heard  in  the  streets  of  Boston,  as  the 
officers  for  that  purpose  go  about  to  the  residences  of  the  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  Company,  and  thereby  give  the  familiar  summons 
for  them  to  meet  at  Faneuil  Hall.  The  company,  passing  out 
of  the  hall,  form  in  line  in  South  Market  Street,  pass  up  State, 
Washington,  and  School  streets  and  over  to  the  State  House, 
where  they  receive  the  governor  and  other  guests,  whom  they 
escort  to  a  church,  and  then  they  give  attention  to  a  sermon  1  and 
musical  programme;  from  the  church,  the  Company  escort  their 
guests  to  Faneuil  Hall,  where  there  is  a  reception,  and  dinner  fol¬ 
lows.  Thirteen  toasts  are  offered  and  duly  recognized.  During 
the  speaking  the  governor  leaves  the  hall  and  returns  to  the  State 
House,  where  he  is  later  received  by  the  Company  and  escorted 
to  the  Common,  and  the  formality  of  change  of  officials  is  com- 


1  This  sermon  was  preached  in  the  First  Church,  Chauncy  Street,  for  many  years. 
After  1867  the  Hoilis  Street  Church  was  frequently  resorted  to,  and  on  June  I,  1885, 
they  assembled  in  the  Old  South  Church  on  Boylston  Street,  where  they  still  continue 
to  listen  to  the  annual  sermon. 


ANCIENT  AND  HONORABLE  ARTILLERY  209 


pleted.  The  governor  is  escorted  back  to  the  State  House,  and 
the  Company  returns  to  Eaneuil  Hall  and  feasts  upon  the 
fragments  of  the  dinner. 

The  Boston  Gazette  of  1764,  in  reporting  the  election  ceremo¬ 
nies,  says,  “In  the  evening  there  was  a  genteel  entertainment 
at  Eaneuil  Hall  provided  by  the  newly  elected  officers.” 

The  political  sentiment  of  the  times  is  easily  detected  by 
reviewing  the  records  of  the  Company,  as  they  have  held  their 
meetings  in  this  historical  building.  In  1767  it  is  recorded  that 
“  Many  loyal  healths  were  drank.”  For  several  years  immedi¬ 
ately  preceding  the  hostile  opening  of  the  Revolution,  the  Com¬ 
pany  had  frequent  meetings  in  Faneuil  Hall  for  exercise  ;  and  in 
the  spring  of  1774,  preceding  the  regular  May  training,  they 
exercised  each  Friday  evening,  but  they  seem  not  to  have  been 
there  after  the  Port  Bill  went  into  effect,  until  1786.  While 
the  Company  entire  was  not  found  in  the  provincial  army,  many 
of  the  individual  members  were  in  the  service  of  the  country. 
In  fact,  the  Artillery  Company  has  not  been  intended  for  the 
field  ;  but  its  object  has  been  to  foster  the  military  spirit  through 
keeping  together  those  who  have  done  valiant  service,  extend 
the  hand  of  sympathy  and  preserve  in  unbroken  succession  an 
honored  institution  brought  from  the  homes  beyond  the  sea  and 
transplanted  in  New  England  by  Robert  Keayne,  together  with 
three  associates.  In  the  autumn  of  1786,  when  there  was  politi¬ 
cal  unrest  in  the  State  and  Shays’s  rebellion  took  place,  the 
Honorable  Artillery  Company  was  called  together  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  “every  member  to  appear  compleat,  with  twenty-five 
rounds  of  powder  and  ball,  with  every  equipment  necessary  to 
compleat  a  soldier  for  immediate  service.”  The  next  occasion 
when  the  Ancients  were  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  for  duty 
was  during  the  second  war  with  England.  On  September  10, 
1814,  Captain  William  Howe  issued  the  following  order:  “It 
becomes  the  duty  of  every  man  at  this  moment  of  danger  to 
know  his  post,  and  repair  to  it  on  the  first  alarm,  whether  by 


210 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


night  or  day.  The  members  of  this  company,  not  in  commission 
in  the  Militia,  will,  therefore,  on  the  alarm  being  given,  repair 
to  their  armory  in  Laneuil  Hall  and  there  wait  further  orders.” 

On  the  annual  election  day  of  1787  the  annalist  records, 
“  Finished  the  day  with  those  pleasing  sensations  which  friend¬ 
ship,  good  humor,  and  conviviality  inspire.”  He  also  adds, 
“  At  dinner  the  corps  were  honored  with  the  company  of  the 
honorable  French  and  Dutch  consuls,  several  of  the  reverend 
clergy,  and  a  large  number  of  respectable  gentlemen.” 

The  election  day  sermon  and  the  presence  of  the  governor 
and  council  are  a  following  out  of  the  custom  of  the  “  Ancients  ” 
in  London,  where  the  lord  mayor  and  aldermen  of  the  city 
have  been  annually  invited  to  the  exercises  from  a  time  as  far 
back  as  the  days  of  Cromwell. 

On  June  2,  1788,  the  sesqui-centennial  of  the  Company  was 
observed  with  ceremony  in  keeping  with  the  day.  The  sermon 
was  by  Rev.  Dr.  Osgood  of  Medford  —  “a  sensible  and  well- 
adapted  sermon.”  The  report  of  the  day’s  proceedings  was 
quite  like  that  of  a  century  later,  and  the  floral  decorations  of 
the  Hall  seem  to  have  been  a  prominent  feature  and  to  have 
had  national  significance.  At  the  entrance  of  Laneuil  Hall  was 
seen  an  arch  hung  with  fragrant  flowers,  bearing  on  the  key¬ 
stone  the  suggestive  words,  “  Incorporated  1638.” 

“  At  the  head  of  the  hall  were  seven  pillars  of  wreaths,  deco¬ 
rated  with  flowers,  emblematic  of  the  seven  States  that  had  then 
adopted  the  Lederal  Constitution;  on  the  keystone  of  the  arches 
were  painted  in  large  characters  the  names  of  the  States,  and 
behind  them  were  fixed  figures,  almost  as  large  as  life,  repre¬ 
senting  their  Excellencies,  the  presidents  of  the  Lederal  and 
Massachusetts  conventions.  The  beautiful  arrangements  and 
symmetry  of  these  decorations  excited  the  astonishment  and  ad¬ 
miration  of  the  Company  as  well  as  numerous  spectators.  The 
fragrance  of  the  flowers  and  music  of  an  excellent  band  added 
great  zest  to  the  entertainment.” 


ANCIENT  AND  HONORABLE  ARTILLERY  211 


The  thirteen  toasts,  which  doubtless  became  a  custom  of  the 
Company  on  that  occasion,  were  suggestive  of  the  political  situ¬ 
ation,  and  were  as  follows  :  — 

1.  The  Governor  and  Commonwealth. 

2.  The  United  States. 

3.  The  States  which  have  adopted  the  Constitution. 

4.  Speedy  completion  of  the  federal  edifice. 

5.  Louis  XVI.,  our  illustrious  Ally,  and  the  friendly  powers 
of  Europe. 

6.  The  Day. 

7.  General  Washington. 

8.  The  Militia  of  Massachusetts. 

9.  May  our  citizens  prize  the  honor  of  being  soldiers,  and 
our  sailors  never  forget  that  they  are  citizens. 

10.  Our  illustrious  ancestors  who  first  laid  the  foundation  of 
military  knowledge  in  America  by  the  institution  of  this  Com¬ 
pany. 

11.  May  benevolence  and  peace  so  far  influence  the  citi¬ 
zens  of  the  world  that  the  implements  of  war  may  with  safety  be 
converted  into  tools  of  husbandry. 

12.  The  President  and  University  in  Cambridge. 

13.  Ereedom  and  Peace  to  all  mankind. 

The  election  of  1790  was  one  of  great  interest.  It  was  the 
first  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  choice 
of  the  first  President  of  the  United  States.  The  Ancients  had, 
as  their  guests,  in  addition  to  Governor  John  Hancock  and 
council,  the  consuls  of  France,  Holland,  and  Sweden,  with 
many  noted  men  in  civic  life.  Faneuil  Hall  again  became  the 
admiration  of  the  lover  of  floral  beauty.  “  The  entrance  formed 
an  arch,  supporting  the  orchestra,  where  the  band  performed 
during  the  dinner.  At  the  head  of  the  hall  was  a  grand  arch, 
from  the  keystone  of  which  hung  a  golden  fleur-de-lis.  In  the 
rear  of  this,  in  the  centre  window,  was  placed  an  obelisk,  finely 
executed  by  Mr.  Johnson.  The  base  was  formed  by  a  bust  of 


212 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


the  President  of  the  LInited  States,  encircled  with  a  glory  and 
the  inscription  :  ‘  The  lustre  of  his  actions  shines  with  trium¬ 
phant  brightness,  and  spreads  a  glory  around  him.’  Over  this 
at  the  top  of  the  obelisk  was  an  all-seeing  eye  with  the  inscrip¬ 
tion,  ‘  I  protect  the  faithful.’  Above  this  was  a  winged  cherub 
represented  as  crowning  the  President  with  a  chaplet  of  laurel.” 

The  decorations  at  the  dinner  on  each  succeeding  election  day 
were  of  great  interest,  and  especially  in  1800,  when  the  death  of 
Washington  was  remembered,  also  the  death  of  Governor  Sumner 
and  Lieutenant-governor  Gill.  On  this  occasion  Stuart’s  por¬ 
trait  of  Washington  was  encircled  by  sixteen  hearts,  which  bore 
in  gold  letters,  “  We  are  one,  and  Washington,  that  friend  of 
mankind,  lives  within  us.” 

“  By  virtue  he  acquired  glory,  and  glory  gained  him  im¬ 
mortality.” 

“  He  shines  neither  with  false  nor  borrowed  light.” 

The  sides  of  the  hall  were  made  to  represent  a  full  armory  of 
firelocks.  The  two  brass  pieces  of  artillery,  “  Hancock  and 
Adams,”  were  also  in  place. 

In  the  year  1803  the  chamber  over  Faneuil  Hall  was  fitted  for 
an  armory,  but  it  was  soon  decided  that  the  hall  must  be 
enlarged,  and  the  Company  held  their  last  meeting  in  the  old 
quarters  at  the  June  election  in  1805.  They  were,  however,  in 
attendance  in  February,  1806,  when  the  agents  for  superintend¬ 
ing  the  enlargement  gave  “  a  raising  supper  to  the  artisans  and 
workmen,  fathers  of  the  town  and  others.”  The  hall  was  com¬ 
pleted  so  that  the  Company  held  its  annual  election  dinner 
there  in  June,  1806.  The  two  hundredth  anniversary  of  the 
Company  was  observed  in  1838,  when  Governor  Edward  Everett 
was  their  guest,  and  the  occasion  was  one  long  to  be  remem¬ 
bered.  In  1853  the  city  council  granted  $300  for  fitting  up  the 
new  armory  for  “The  Ancients.”  For  many  years,  the  rooms 
in  the  upper  hall  were  occupied  by  the  companies  of  the  Bos¬ 
ton  regiment  militia  and  the  Honorable  Artillery  Company  as 


ANCIENT  AND  HONORABLE  ARTILLERY  213 


armories,  and  the  large  hall  was  used  in  common  ;  but  at  length 
the  latter  organization  was  left  alone,  where  it  remained  until 
obliged  to  vacate  in  preparation  for  the  rebuilding  of  1898-1899. 
The  needs  of  this  Company  —  the  oldest  military  organization 
on  the  continent  of  America  —  were  fully  considered  in  the 
plans  for  rebuilding;  and  the  newly  fitted  fire-proof  Laneuil 
Hall  affords  an  apartment  in  compliance  with  a  condition  of 
the  will  of  Robert  Keayne  of  1656  —  “That  there  be  a  room 
in  the  very  heart  and  securest  part  of  the  town  for  a  magazine 
for  arms,  where  they  can  scour  and  tend  the  arms,  and  lay 
them  up  and  keep  them,  which  will  be  a  comely  sight  for 
strangers  to  see  and  a  great  ornament  to  the  room  and  also 
of  the  town  where  the  soldiers  may  arm  themselves  every  time 
they  go  to  exercise.” 

The  new  hall  for  this  Company  was  made  77  feet  long  and 
48^  feet  wide,  having  on  either  side  ample  room  for  offices  and 
other  purposes.  The  most  impressive  of  the  office  rooms  is 
that  directly  under  the  dome.  It  was  formerly  the  quarters 
of  the  old  city  guard,  but  had  been  long  abandoned  because 
of  the  sagging  of  the  timbers,  and  danger  that  seemed  to 
threaten  in  that  locality.  The  Company  expended  a  large  sum 
of  money  in  fitting  their  apartments,  in  addition  to  the  liberal 
sum  appropriated  by  the  city.  The  walls  of  the  main  room 
are  tinted  with  colors  in  oil,  and  ornamented  with  a  frieze 
which  combines  the  arms  of  the  Commonwealth  with  those  of 
the  Company.  In  the  ceiling  are  a  series  of  decorative  circles 
in  which  are  placed  the  names  of  the  charter  members  of  the 
Artillery  Company. 

Prominent  among  the  memorials  of  the  organization  are  eigh¬ 
teen  silk  flags,  exact  copies  of  colonial  colors  and  those  which 
have  followed  the  original.  They  have  also  their  tattered,  time¬ 
worn  banners,  which  include  the  oldest  flag  in  existence,  that 
carried  in  the  Company  in  1663. 

The  military  museum  is  divided  into  American  and  London 


214 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


rooms,  the  latter  containing  the  mementos  of  the  visit  to  Wind¬ 
sor  and  Marlborough  House,  and  also  the  entertainment  of  the 
Ancients  by  the  Honourable  Artillery  Company  of  London. 

On  the  walls  are  the  portraits  of  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
captains  of  the  Company.  These  serve  to  recall  many  noted 
families  of  the  colonial  and  provincial  period,  as  well  as  of  the 
years  of  constitutional  government. 

One  room  is  devoted  to  the  Slade  collection  of  the  Edwin 
Lorbes  etchings,  consisting  of  forty  scenes  of  the  Civil  War. 
These,  with  many  other  pictures  and  ornaments,  were  given  to 
the  Company  by  Charles  W.  Slade,  who  was  a  prominent  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company. 

The  uniform  of  the  Company  when  first  appearing  in  Faneuil 
Hall  consisted  of  a  black  hat,  three-cornered  and  cocked,  and 
bound  with  white  lace  :  scarlet  waistcoat  and  breeches,  with  gaiters 
and  white  cravat ;  buff  belts  and  buff  pouches.  The  drummers 
wore  buff  coats  faced  with  scarlet.  Many  changes  have  been 
made  in  the  uniform,  but  it  has  ever  been  such  as  to  give  a 
dignified  and  interesting  appearance  to  the  Company  when  on 
parade. 

The  Company  numbered  about  eight  hundred  in  1899,  about 
five  hundred  of  them  being  seen  in  the  annual  parade.  The 
Honorable  Artillery  Company  takes  pride  in  being  the  oldest 
institution,  except  the  Christian  Church,  on  this  continent.  Its 
association  with  Faneuil  Hall  adds  to  the  historical  interest  of 
that  time-honored  building,  and  links  together  the  names  of 
Boston’s  early  benefactors,  Robert  Keayne  and  Peter  Faneuil. 


Faneuil  Hall  To-Day. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


The  Custodians  of  Faneuil  Hall.  The  Market  House  Investment.  Prog¬ 
ress  in  Marketing  in  the  Various  Departments. 

HE  intention  of  Peter  Faneuil  to  give  a  hall  for  the  benefit 


-L  of  the  citizens  of  Boston  has  been  faithfully  carried  out. 
The  selectmen  were  the  custodians  as  long  as  the  town  form  of 
government  continued.  An  application  for  the  use  of  the  hall 
was  always  granted,  unless  it  appeared  that  the  purpose  for 
which  it  was  wanted  was  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  gift.  We 
have  seen  that  the  hall  was  refused  at  times,  for  obvious  reasons, 
during  the  Revolution,  but  law-abiding  citizens,  regardless  of  sect 
or  nationality,  have  enjoyed  their  rights  of  its  free  use.  By  a 
condition  of  the  city  charter  of  1822,  the  hall  cannot  be  rented, 
and  the  old  rules  for  governing  the  use  of  it  have  been  observed. 
There  is,  however,  a  nominal  fee  required  in  order  to  defray  the 
running  expenses. 

Any  citizen  of  Boston  desiring  the  use  of  the  hall  for  a  defi¬ 
nite  time  makes  application  to  the  board  of  aldermen,  who 
refer  it  to  the  P'aneuil  Hall  committee,  consisting  of  five  of  their 
number.  This  committee  passes  favorably  upon  the  petition,  if 
no  one  has  a  previous  claim  upon  the  date,  and  the  signature  of 
the  mayor  assures  the  applicant  that  his  petition  is  granted. 
Dates  are  often  fixed  months  in  advance,  but  it  is  apparent  to 
the  close  observer  that  favoritism  has  no  influence,  the  citizens’ 
hall  being  for  the  citizens,  and  first  come  is  the  first  served. 

Although  large  sums  of  money  have  been  expended  to  perpet- 


216 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


uate  Faneuil  Hall,  the  appropriations  have  never  been  made  as 
an  investment.  But  in  the  management  of  the  market,  closely 
allied  with  the  hall,  the  circumstances  have  been  different. 
Stalls  have  always  been  rented  to  individuals  for  the  purpose  of 
conducting  business  for  personal  advantage,  hence  a  reasonable 
rent  has  been  exacted. 

It  is  evident  that  Mayor  Josiah  Quincy  had  the  convenience  of 
the  people  in  mind  when  he  extended  the  market  accommoda¬ 
tions  by  the  erection  of  the  granite  edifice  in  1826,  but  he  was 
also  confident  that  the  outlay  made  would  be  a  profitable  invest¬ 
ment,  in  proof  of  which  we  give  the  following  financial  state¬ 
ment,  taken  from  the  address  of  Mayor  Matthews  to  the  city 
government,  upon  the  occasion  of  his  retirement  from  the  office 
in  1895.  “  This  undertaking,  begun  during  the  elder  Quincy’s 

administration,  had  paid  for  itself  by  1848,  and  has  since  yielded 
an  aggregate  profit  above  all  expenses  of  nearly  $3,000,000. 
The  summary  of  the  accounts  may  be  stated  as  follows:  — 


Payments 

Receipts 


Principal 

$1,240,280 

1078,753 

-$61,527 


Income 

$  969.316 
3-888,877 

+$2,919,561 


Totals 

$2,209,596 

5,067,631 

+  $2,858,034 


“The  property  now  consists  of  27,000  square  feet  of  land, 
assessed  at  $822,000,  and  of  a  building  assessed  at  $300,000, 
making  the  total  assessed  value  of  the  estate  $1,122,000.  The 
annual  income  exceeds  the  annual  expenditure  by  about  $57,000, 
which  is  a  little  over  five  per  cent  on  the  assessor’s  valuation. 

“  Taking  the  loss  in  tax  receipts,  due  to  its  ownership  by 
the  city,  into  account,  the  net  profit  to  the  city  amounts  to 
about  three  and  three-quarters  per  cent  per  annum.  This  is 
less  than  the  average  return  from  private  investments  in  land, 
yet  it  will  hardly  be  denied  that  an  undertaking  which  paid  for 
itself  in  twenty  years,  which  has  since  yielded  and  is  still  bring¬ 
ing  in  a  net  revenue  of  nearly  $60,000  a  year,  and  which  fur- 


THE  MARKET  HOUSE  INVESTMENT 


217 


nished  public  accommodations  of  great  value,  has  been  a  success, 
regarded  from  the  standpoint  of  a  municipal  investment.” 

If  the  profits  since  1895  are  added  to  the  above  totals,  the 
net  result  is  about  $3,000,000.  The  annual  gross  revenue  from 
the  market  house  during  the  first  five  years  of  its  existence 
averaged  $23,220,  the  next  ten  years  $24,380,  and  the  last  ten 
about  $72,000.  The  annual  expense  is  now  about  $9000.  The 
132  stalls  rent  for  $42,900;  the  forty-four  half-cellars,  or  base¬ 
ments,  for  $22,460;  Quincy  Hall  for  $3500;  the  Produce 
Exchange  for  $1800;  outside  stalls  $1400;  rooms  over  the 
market,  $447 ;  and  the  weighing  fees  are  about  $500.  The 
largest  income  ever  obtained  in  one  year  was  in  1875,  when 
the  receipts  were  $93,189. 

The  stalls  are  in  charge  of  the  superintendent  of  markets, 
and  leases  are  made  only  upon  his  approval  and  by  the  signa¬ 
ture  of  the  mayor.  They  are  for  a  period  of  five  years,  and 
can  be  transferred  by  the  same  authority  which  granted  them. 

The  mayor  who  approved  leases  at  the  time  of  the  comple¬ 
tion  of  this  volume  was  Thomas  N.  Hart,  who  served  in  1889 
and  1890,  and  was  elected  to  serve  in  1900  and  1901. 

The  character  of  the  trade  at  the  market  has  gradually 
changed  from  retail  to  wholesale,  being  occasioned  by  the 
opening  of  the  many  provision  stores  in  the  city,  near  the 
market,  as  well  as  in  all  parts  of  the  city,  and  also  to  the  change 
in  population  of  the  North  End.  Drummers  representing  the 
marketmen  may  be  met  in  other  cities  in  New  England,  and 
the  stallkeepers  have  customers  scattered  throughout  distant 
sections  of  the  country  ;  and  in  fact  they  ship  food  supplies  to 
the  islands  near  our  coast,  and  to  the  British  Islands,  Liverpool 
and  London  having  supplies  from  Boston  market. 

The  market  is  the  actual  centre  of  a  great  combination  of 
wholesale  and  retail  traders,  that  has  grown  up  during  the  past 
seventy-five  years  within  its  immediate  vicinity.  In  the  market, 
or  near  it,  one  can  purchase  a  pound  or  a  hundred  quarters  of 


2l8 


FANEUIL  HALL  AND  MARKET 


beef ;  a  pound  of  sausage  or  a  thousand  of  dressed  hogs ;  a 
peck  or  a  thousand  barrels  of  apples  ;  a  pound  or  a  ton  of 
butter  ;  a  dozen  of  oranges  or  a  hundred  boxes ;  a  pound  or  a 
cargo  of  fish,  fresh  or  salted ;  in  fact,  all  and  everything 
required  for  our  sustenance  can  be  secured,  in  large  or  small 
quantities. 

This  has  been  made  possible  by  modern  appliances  for  cold 
storage.  The  ice  which  was  once  regarded  as  a  priceless  boon 
has  been  largely  superseded  by  the  adoption  of  the  mechanical 
process,  whereby  much  more  satisfactory  results  are  obtained. 
The  cold  current  is  generated  and  as  silently  distributed  through 
the  storehouses  as  is  the  electric  current,  and  made  to  serve 
the  public  as  effectually.  When  the  mercury  ranges  at  sum¬ 
mer  heat  in  the  market  house,  the  temperature  of  grim  winter 
is  holding  sway  in  the  individual  boxes  and  great  storehouses. 

Quincy  Market  Cold  Storage  Company  was  incorporated  in 
1882,  having  a  capital  of  $800,000.  Its  officers  are  J.  Varnum 
Fletcher,  president;  Henry.  F.  Ross,  vice-president ;  James  C. 
Melvin,  treasurer.  The  process  is  that  of  expansion  by  means 
of  cold  brine. 

The  Eastern  Cold  Storage  Company  was  incorporated  in 
Massachusetts  in  1898,  having  previously  existed  as  a  Maine 
company  for  two  and  a  half  years.  Their  capital  is  $250,000. 
Its  officers  are  Walter  L.  Hill,  president ;  J.  Frank  Kimball, 
vice-president;  Francis  Batchelder,  treasurer.  The  process  used 
is  that  of  direct  expansion. 


INDEX 


Adams,  Abijah,  192. 

Adams,  Charles  F.,  157. 

Adams,  John,  149. 

Adams,  John  Q.,  157. 

Adams,  Samuel,  92,  93,  126,  128,  135, 
158,  191 ;  lease,  92,  93. 

Admiral  Vernon  Tavern,  88. 

Albany,  36;  horses,  37. 

Allen,  Captain,  38,  39. 

America,  3,  4,  5,  8,  50,  77. 

American  Coffee  House,  88. 

American  colonies,  9. 

Amsterdam,  25. 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery,  67,  101, 
207. 

Anderson,  Arthur  E.,  165. 

Ann,  Cape,  41. 

Ann  Street,  88. 

Antigua,  32,  36. 

Apthorp,  Charles,  84. 

Apthorp,  East,  9. 

Armitage,  Joner,  81. 

Ashburton,  Lord,  159. 

Atlantic  Ocean,  50. 

Atwood,  Rev.  J.  M.,  206. 

Babcock,  Abram,  158. 

Badger  &  Sons,  136. 

Bagard,  Peter,  14. 

Baker,  Samuel,  27,  30,  35,  43. 

Baker,  William,  27,  30,  43. 

Barbadoes,  36,  38,  39,  59,  hi. 

Barcelona,  42. 

Barnes,  Thomas,  14. 

Barre,  Colonel  Isaac,  126,  132. 

Batchelder,  Francis,  218. 


Baxter,  Daniel,  158. 

Beauchamp,  Isaac,  39. 

Belcher,  Andrew,  48. 

Belcher,  Governor,  36,  49. 

Belcher,  Jonathan,  47. 

Belcher,  Lady,  51. 

Belknap,  Joseph,  88. 

Bernard,  Governor,  127,  140. 

Bernon,  Gabriel,  4,  6. 

Bethune  family,  115. 

Bethune,  Mary,  1 19. 

Bethune,  Mrs.,  1 14. 

Bigelow,  Benjamin,  95. 

Bigelow,  Samuel,  119. 

Billings,  Samuel,  158. 

Bird,  Harrison,  204. 

Black,  J.  B.,  205. 

Blanchard,  Joshua,  83,  85,  87. 

Boston,  7,  9,  11,  13,  15,  25,  29,  41,  43,  45, 
49,  5°,  5 r>  57,  61 ,  62,  64,  65,  68,  70, 
71,  86,  91,  100,  1 14. 

Boston  Common,  58,  60,  64,  67,  72,  85, 

88. 

Boston,  description  of,  4,  5. 

Boston  Evening  Post,  98. 

Boston  Gazette,  98,  126. 

Boston  Massacre,  56,  128. 

Boston  News  Letter,  98. 

Boston  poor,  142. 

Boston  street  lamps,  140. 

Boston  Weekly  Post  Boy,  98. 

Boutineau,  James,  14. 

Boutwell,  Governor  G.  S.,  161. 

Bowcloin,  James,  84. 

Boyden,  Ann  Jane,  78. 

Boylston,  John,  141. 


2 


INDEX 


Boyltins,  Hendrine,  26. 

Brattle  Street  Meeting  House,  82. 
Brighton,  1 14. 

Brimbecom,  N.,  203. 

Bristol,  England,  18. 

British  Coffee  House,  88. 

Bronellian,  M.,  39. 

Brown,  Abijah,  150. 

Bryant,  John,  141. 

Buck  and  Breeches,  88. 

Buckley,  Captain  Peter,  32. 

Bulfinch,  Charles,  152,  153,  154,  165, 
Bulkley,  Bishop,  87. 

Bunch  of  Grapes,  8S. 

Bureau,  Anne,  1 2. 

Burgoyne,  General,  131,  142. 
Burlingame,  Hon.  Anson,  1 6 1 . 
Burnet,  William,  63,  64. 

Burrell,  Lemuel,  144. 

Butlers’  Rowe,  120. 

Butler  Square,  9. 

Butterfield,  D.  E.,  203. 

Byles  sisters,  51. 

Cadiz,  42. 

Callinder,  Joseph,  171. 

Canary  Islands,  42. 

Cape  Breton,  39. 

Caswell,  John,  35. 

Centre  Market,  S3,  8S. 

Chandler,  Prof.  F.  W.,  165. 
Chapman,  Jonathan,  153. 

Chardon,  Peter,  84,  109. 

Charles  IX.,  3. 

Charles  River  Bridge,  15 r. 
Charlestown,  67,  142. 

Chatham  Street,  173. 

Child,  David  W.,  158. 

Childs,  Nathaniel,  206. 

Christmas,  7. 

Church,  Old  South,  1 1 5 ,  116. 
Cincinnati,  10. 

Clark,  Benjamin,  193. 

Clark,  John  T.,  206. 

Clark,  Jonas,  81,  83,  93. 

Clinton  Street,  1 73. 

Coattery,  Henry,  95. 

Cobb,  Samuel  C.,  Mayor,  205. 


Cochran,  Captain,  23. 

Codfish  emblem,  76,  149. 

Codman,  Stephen,  153. 

Coffin,  William,  88. 

Coggswell,  J.  B.  D.,  206. 

Cold  Storage,  Eastern,  218. 

Cold  Storage,  Quincy  Market,  218. 
Collson,  David,  81. 

Colman  pears,  47. 

Colman,  Rev.  Benjamin,  25,  70,  207. 
Conrod,  Captain,  61. 

Conway,  Field  Marshal,  132. 

Conway,  Right  Honorable  General,  126. 
Cook,  Justice  Elisha,  61. 

Cook,  Mr.,  83. 

Cook,  Middlock,  93. 

Coolidge,  Harry,  145. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Dr.,  96. 

Cooper,  Samuel,  138. 

Cornhill,  113. 

Cossart,  John,  &  Sons,  31. 

Cossart,  Peter,  wife  of,  9,  25. 

Cossart,  Susannah,  25. 

Cradle  of  Liberty,  123- 124,  166. 

Crosby,  Frank,  196. 

Cudworth,  Rev.  W.  FI.,  20c,  206. 
Cunningham,  Captain  Nathaniel,  84. 
Curtis,  J.  Herman,  199,  204. 

Cushing,  Thomas,  124. 

Cushman,  Miss  Sara  E.,  1S0. 

Cutler,  Dr.  John,  61. 

Cutler,  Mary,  16. 

Cutler,  Rev.  Mr.,  22. 

Cutler,  Timothy,  D.D.,  22,  63. 

Cutting,  Abraham,  95. 

Daille,  Rev.  Pierre,  7. 

Dalancy  of  New  York,  30. 

Dalrymple,  Colonel,  127. 

Dana,  Caleb,  92,  93. 

Dana,  Daniel,  95. 

Danvers,  86. 

Dartmouth,  41. 

Da  Silva,  41. 

Dates,  confusion  of,  114. 

Davenport,  Addington,  14,  22,  37,  120. 
Davenport,  Mrs.  Anne,  121. 

Davis,  Moses,  93. 


INDEX 


3 


Dawes,  Mr.,  96. 

Dawes,  Thomas,  97. 

Deering,  Henry,  36. 

De  Lacroix,  Abraham,  wife  of,  9,  27. 

De  Lacroix,  Susannah  F.,  14,  26,  27. 

De  Lacroix,  Theodore,  14. 

Depuistre,  John,  36. 

Deshon,  Moses,  86. 

D’Estaing,  Count,  123,  132,  147. 
Devonshire  Street,  14. 

Doane,  Isaiah,  1 1 3. 

Dock  Square,  70,  72,  81,  83,  86,  96,  100. 
Dock  Square  Market,  94. 

Doe,  Freeman  G.,  204. 

Donations  to  Boston  poor,  142. 
Dorchester,  67. 

Dorchester  Neck,  60. 

Dow,  Edward,  93. 

Dowse,  Joseph,  109. 

Drowne,  Deacon  Shem,  136,  137. 
Drowne,  Shem,  romance,  138. 

Drowne,  Thomas,  137. 

Dudley,  Paul,  74. 

Dummer,  Governor,  57,  58,  61. 

Dupee,  Isaac,  192. 

Dymoke,  Edward,  42. 

East  India  Co.,  128. 

Eden,  Abraham  and  Egbert,  14. 

Edict  of  Nantes,  3,  8. 

Election  Day,  90. 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  10. 

England,  3,  18,  49,  54,  56,  74,  77. 

English,  Thomas,  119,  120. 

Episcopal  Charitable  Society,  37. 

Everett,  Governor  Edward,  212. 

Faneuil,  Andrew,  8,  9,  11,  12,  16,  17,  18, 
22,  46,  48,  49,  1 16. 

Faneuil,  Anne,  12,  14,  26,  35  ;  arms,  31, 
86,  1 17;  child  in  home,  22;  death, 
23  ;  funeral,  23  ;  illness,  22  ;  uncle,  15  ; 
wife,  8 ;  will,  24,  27. 

Faneuil,  Benjamin  (elder),  6,  12,  17,  26, 
62,  63,  108,  1 10,  x  14. 

Faneuil,  Benjamin,  12,  15,  16,  24,  25,  27, 
48,  55;  in  Brighton,  115,  117,  1 1 8 ;  and 
General  Washington,  119. 


Faneuil,  Benjamin,  Jr.,  17,  102,  129; 
died,  120. 

Faneuil  Hall,  10,  88,  89,  90,  97,  98,  121, 
125,  127,  130,  131,  132,  135;  accepted, 
84;  African  preacher,  135;  architect, 
87;  banquet  to  John  Adams,  135; 
barracks,  127;  benevolence,  200 ;  bricks, 
86;  burned,  96;  celebrations,  201 ;  cor¬ 
ner-stone,  1 74;  cost,  155;  Cradle  of  Lib¬ 
erty,  124;  custodians,  215  ;  described,  88, 
1 81 ;  enlarged,  153;  erection, 83;  feasts, 
132,  134;  finished,  84;  fireproof,  165, 
166,  167,  168;  first  clerk,  19 1;  glass, 
88;  granite,  171;  grasshopper,  87,  136; 
illuminated,  125,  126,  1 33;  in  Revolu¬ 
tion,  139;  investment,  20,  21,  215  ;  lease, 
92;  lottery,  96,  97,  9S,  99,  133;  named, 
85,  1 1 7,  177;  New'  England  forum,  88; 
occupied,  86;  officials,  189;  opening, 
179;  orators,  159;  oratory,  156,  163; 
ornaments,  123;  picture  of,  99,  100; 
poem,  162;  portraits,  131,  132, 

160;  post-office,  159;  rebuilt,  99,  124, 
165;  semi-centennial,  201;  sentiment, 
166;  shaken,  136;  stalls,  140,  141,  144; 
stalls  sold,  185;  storehouse,  1 3 1 ;  tea 
meetings,  128;  theatre,  131  ;  Tories, 
120,  132;  town-meetings,  123,  129,  15S; 
trials,  127. 

Faneuil  Hall  Market,  70,  90,  93,  94,  98, 
99,  100. 

Faneuil,  Peter,  estate,  108,  109,  in,  1 1 3  ; 
friend  of  Governor  Shirley,  202  ;  from 
12  to  50,  death,  101,  102. 

Faneuil,  Peter,  Esq.,  28,  37,  101,  104, 
177;  jolly  bachelor,  46,  47,  51,  52,  55, 
109,  1 10;  funeral  oration,  104;  gift, 
104,  207;  hospitality,  37,  1 1 2 ;  obituary, 
103;  pictures,  85,  115,  121,  133;  smug¬ 
glers,  44. 

Faneuils,  11,  43;  banished,  1 1 5  ;  car¬ 
riage,  53  ;  Catherine,  13  ;  equipage,  36; 
family,  9,  15,  42,  59,  87,  109,  118; 
fish  pond,  1 1 9  ;  Francis,  12;  hearth¬ 
stone,  80;  heirs,  1 1 5  ;  home,  15,  28, 
32,  37,  50,  5 1  ;  house,  55,  1 10  ;  hot¬ 
house,  47;  John,  9,  12,  25,  62;  Marie, 
12,  59,  60,  1 21  ;  mansion,  31,  50,  60, 


4 


INDEX 


no;  Mary  Ann,  15,  26,  31,  32,  34,  35, 
46,  47,  48,  50,  52,  55,  87,  102,  109,  1 21, 
160  ;  Mary,  daughter  of  Benjamin,  17  ; 
merchants,  15;  mourning  rings,  1 1 4  ; 
paper  makers,  1 1 8  ;  pew,  49  ;  refugees, 
121  ;  Susannah,  13,  26,  35,  121  ;  trade 
in  negroes,  45  ;  tomb,  115,  1 16  ;  ware¬ 
house,  13,  47  ;  wharf,  50. 

Farnum,  Henry,  203. 

Faxon,  Nathaniel,  144. 

Fennelley,  Robert,  158. 

Fessenden,  Jonathan,  93. 

Fette  family,  116. 

Finney,  S.  B.,  206. 

Fitch,  Jeremiah,  158. 

Fitch,  Thomas,  70. 

Fletcher,  J.  V.,  203,  218. 

Fonnereau,  Claude,  21,  43. 

Forestalling,  146. 

Forsyth,  Alexander,  81. 

Foy,  Captain  John,  4. 

France,  2,  3,  9,  18,  26,  28,  60,  63,  64,  67. 
Francis  I.,  2. 

Francis  II.,  2. 

Frankland,  Sir  Henry,  14,  15. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  14 1. 

Fraser,  W.  Lewis,  1 14. 

Freeland,  Mary  de  Witt,  6. 

French  church,  24,  25. 

French  exiles,  7. 

French  Protestants,  5,  8. 

French  refugees,  5. 

P'rog  Pond,  72. 

P'rothingham,  Hon.  Richard,  196. 

P’uneral  rites,  7. 

P’urber,  W.  H.  PI.,  203. 

Gage,  General,  142. 

Gage,  Governor,  120. 

Gage,  Thomas,  129. 

Gallagher,  Christian,  134. 

George,  King,  4,  8  ;  II.,  126. 

Gibbs,  Rev.  C.  W.,  206. 

Gibbs’s  Wharf,  60. 

Gleason,  Winsor,  204. 

Golden  Fleece  Tavern,  88. 

Gooch,  Jonathan,  102. 

Gooch,  William,  clerk  of  market,  194. 


j  Gore,  Eben,  93. 

Gore,  Samuel,  127. 

Granary  Burying  Ground,  24,  56,  87,  101, 

1 15,  II7- 

]  Grasshopper  Market,  136. 

J  Grasshopper  Vane,  123. 

Gravestones,  old,  56. 

Gray,  Harrison  G.,  80. 

Gray,  Joseph,  191. 

Great  Britain,  26. 

Greenow,  Captain,  39. 

Groton,  Conn.,  59. 

Guild,  Curtis,  206. 

Hager,  Elisha,  95. 

Hall,  Stacy,  203. 

Hammond,  John,  95. 

Hancock,  Governor,  134,  148. 

Hancock,  John,  98,  126,  128,  132,  147, 
158,  211. 

Hancock  mansion,  149. 

Hancock,  Mrs.  T.,  51. 

Hancock  pasture,  72. 

Hancock,  Thomas,  29,  36,  89,  93,  too, 

118. 

Harris,  Henry,  63. 

Harris,  Thomas  B.,  197. 

PI  art,  Mayor  Thomas  N.,  216  ;  photo¬ 
graph,  autograph,  217. 

Hartwell,  D.  G.,  204. 

Harvard  College,  59. 

Hatch,  Colonel  Estes,  60. 

Haverhill,  53,  54. 

Hawley  Street,  15. 

Hayward,  Caleb,  194. 

Henchman,  Daniel,  118. 

Henry  III.,  3. 

Henry  IV.,  3. 

Henshaw,  Joshua,  126. 

Ilewes,  George  R.  J.,  145. 

Hewes,  Shubael.  145. 

Hiland,  Ira,  204. 

Hildreth,  John,  144. 

Hiller,  Attorney-general,  62. 

Hill,  Walter  L„  218. 

Hirst  Grove,  120. 

Hiscock,  L.  B.,  203. 

Hodgson,  Anthony,  90. 


INDEX 


5 


Holden,  Ebenezer,  204. 

Holden,  Oliver,  201. 

Holland,  3,  8,  26. 

Holmes,  O.  W.,  7. 

Homas,  John,  35. 

Hooper,  Silas,  14. 

Houchin,  Jeremy,  190. 

Houghton  &  Dutton,  29. 

Hovey,  Horatio,  1S5. 

Hovey,  William,  203. 

Howard,  Frank  W.,  165. 

Howe,  Captain  William,  209. 

Howe,  Genera],  and  negroes,  123,  135. 
Howe,  General,  131,  132,  142. 

Huguenots,  I,  2,  6,  9,  88;  church,  7,  8, 
10;  persecution,  9  ;  sisters,  48. 

Hull,  Captain,  157. 

Hungarian  bond,  '61. 

Hunnewell,  Jonathan,  153. 

Hutchinson,  Edward,  70,  84. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  1 1,  81,  83,  84,  117, 
128,  129. 

Inmans,  36. 

Invoice  book,  12. 

Ireland,  3,  9. 

Jackson,  L.  D.,  204. 

Jackson,  Thomas,  90,  191. 

Jarvis,  93,  95. 

Jeffries,  John,  8r,  83. 

jekyll,  brothers,  50  ;  collector,  50  ;  fam¬ 
ily,  47-  49.  5G  55- 
Jekyll,  Hannah,  47,51,  53,  54. 

Jekyll,  John,  42,  63. 

Jekyll,  Joseph,  47,  54;  ladies,  48. 

Jekyll,  Jun.,  49. 

Jekyll,  Mary,  47,  51,  52,  54. 

Jekyll,  Richard,  47,  53,  54. 

Jekyll,  Robert,  49. 

Johnson,  Henry,  26. 

Johonnort,  Daniel,  77. 

Johonnort,  Zacariah,  77. 

Jones,  A.  H.,  204. 

Jones,  John,  45. 

Judge  Willard,  27. 

Keayne,  Robert,  67,  70,  73,  207,  209,  214. 


Kent,  Benjamin,  126. 

Kilby,  Thomas,  45. 

Kimball,  J.  Frank,  218. 

King’s  Chapel,  14,  15,  29,  38;  Burying 
Ground,  9. 

Kingston,  Jamaica,  20. 

King  Street,  14,  Si,  88,  113,  128. 

Kittery,  36. 

Kneeland,  Samuel,  61. 

Kossuth,  Louis,  161. 

Krogman,  Samuel  B.,  204. 

Lambert,  William,  63. 

Lane,  O.  W.,  201. 

Lane  &  Smithurst,  30,  32,  34,  35,  42. 

La  Rochelle,  2. 

Law,  duelling,  64. 

Lawrence,  H.  L.,  204. 

Learnard,  S.  S.,  203,  204. 

Lechmere,  Thomas,  63,  102. 

Le  Mercier,  Andrew,  8. 

Lewis,  Ezekiel,  97,  84. 

Limbery,  William,  18,  19. 

Linnington,  Lord,  52,  53. 

Little  Cambridge,  141. 

Lloyd,  Thomas,  20. 

London,  27,  30,  34,  35,  42,  73,  128. 
Longfellow,  69. 

Long  Wharf,  60,  130. 

Loring,  G.  B.,  206. 

Loring,  Jonathan,  158. 

Louisburg,  86. 

Louis  XIII.,  3. 

Louis  XVI.,  135. 

Louis  Thilippe,  159. 

Lovell,  John,  101,  104,  105. 

Lyman,  Caleb,  81,  83. 

Lynch  &  Blake,  32. 

Lynch,  Peter,  42. 

Lynn,  67. 

Madeira,  30,  42. 

Mallet,  John,  10. 

Malmsey,  42. 

Marblehead,  41. 

Market  bell,  68. 

Market  clerk,  91. 

Market  Cross,  68. 


6 


INDEX 


Market  day,  90. 

Market  hours,  71. 

Market  house,  80,  81,  87,  90. 

Market  laws,  66,  189. 

Massachusetts,  6,  9,  41,  48. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  77,  80. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  134. 
Massacre,  Boston,  128;  victims  of,  128. 
Massacre  oration,  131. 

Mather,  Rev.  Samuel,  99,  124. 

Matthews,  Mayor,  216. 

May,  John,  153. 

Mayo,  Thomas,  144. 

McKay,  George  E.,  Superintendent,  187, 
189,  196;  picture,  196;  autograph,  197. 
Medford,  36,  86,  142. 

Meeting  House  Hill,  74. 

Melvin,  Joseph  C.,  218. 

Merchants’  Row,  83,  88. 

Merriam,  Nathaniel,  194. 

Middlesex  Canal,  152. 

Milk  Street,  15. 

Miller,  Ebenezer,  64. 

Milton  paper  mill,  11S. 

Morrison,  C.  E.,  204. 

Mourning  rings,  55. 

Murray,  Rev.  John,  130. 

Nadir,  William,  102. 

Nazro,  Matthew,  194. 

New  Castle,  N.  H.,  66. 

Newell,  Deacon,  133. 

New  England,  7,  41,  66,  75. 

New  England  Historical  Genealogical 
Society,  86. 

New  England  Weekly  Journal,  5S,  98. 
New  Jersey,  41. 

New  Rochelle,  7,  12,  47. 

News  Letter,  Boston,  23,  43,  96,  98, 
103. 

New  York,  6,  12,  30,  41,  42,  114. 

North  Meeting  House,  70. 

Nourse,  Superintendent,  194. 

Nova  Scotia  garrison,  139. 

Noyes,  Increase  E.,  203. 

Noyes,  Oliver,  9. 

Old  brick  meeting  house,  131. 


Old  feather  store,  88. 

Old  South  Church,  58. 

Old  South  Meeting  House,  85,  87,  128 
129,  130. 

Old  State  House,  88. 

Oliver,  Andrew,  84. 

Oliver,  Chief  Justice,  122. 

Oliver,  Ebenezer,  153. 

Orange  Street,  48. 

Otis,  James,  15,  99,  124,  127. 

Oxford,  6,  7. 

Palmer,  Thomas,  70. 

Paper  Manufacturing  Company,  115,  118 
Parke,  Harvey  D.,  1 1 9. 

Parke,  Jeremiah,  144. 

Parker  House,  119. 

Parkman,  Samuel,  1 19,  160. 

Parris,  Alex.,  1 76. 

Pemberton,  Dr.  George,  61. 

Pendergast,  Thomas,  42. 

Pepperell,  Lady  Mary,  120. 

Pepperell,  William,  36. 

Philadelphia,  41. 

Philbrook,  Governor  H.,  204. 

Phillips,  Gillam,  14,  26,  59,  60,  61,  62 
1 18. 

Phillips,  Henry,  57-64. 

Phillips,  Madame  Hannah,  62. 

Phillips,  Marie,  14,  113,  121. 

Phillips,  Mayor,  171. 

Phillips,  Samuel,  60. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  158. 

Phillips,  William,  Lieutenant-governor 

n  3- 

Phipps,  Samuel,  93. 

“Piepowder”  court,  192. 

Pigot,  George,  63. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  1. 
rink,  Molly,  60. 

Pitcher,  Moses,  97. 

Tolk,  President,  194. 

Pope  &  Co.,  29. 

Port  Bid,  130,  141. 

Porter,  William,  153. 

Portugal,  18. 

Powder  House,  Old,  10. 

Price,  William,  109. 


INDEX 


7 


Prince  de  Joinville,  159. 

Pritchard,  Captain,  61. 

Providence,  ship,  18,  19,  44. 

Province  House,  85. 

Pudding  Lane,  14. 

Putnam,  Israel,  142. 

Quay,  Thomas,  20. 

Queen  Street,  61,  87. 

Quincy  Genealogy,  173. 

Quincy,  Hon.  Josiah,  205. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  Mayor,  166;  picture  and 
autograph,  167. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  2d.,  Mayor,  171,  172; 

picture  and  autograph,  173. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  89,  171. 

Quincy  Market  Cold  Storage  Co.,  218. 
Quincy,  Miss,  28. 

Reed,  John,  95. 

Rehobuth,  4. 

Revolution,  99. 

Rhodes,  Superintendent,  194. 

Rice,  Alexander  H.,  Governor,  205. 

Rice,  Charles  B.,  Superintendent,  195. 
Roaper,  Silas,  14. 

Robbins,  Nathan,  204. 

Roberts,  Oliver  Ayer,  10  r. 

Robinson,  John,  95. 

Rochelle,  France,  6,  q,  27,  62. 

Rochelle,  a  ship,  30,  44. 

Ross,  Henry  F.,  218. 

Row,  Peter,  95. 

Rowe,  John,  141. 

Roxbury,  Rev.  Mr.,  8,  75. 

Royal  Exchange,  London,  28. 

Royall,  Isaac,  36. 

Ruddock,  John,  126. 

Ruggles,  84,  87. 

Russell,  Benjamin,  171. 

Russell,  Joseph,  153. 

Salem,  41,  67,  86. 

Salter,  William,  93. 

Saltonstall,  Colonel  Richard,  54,  56. 
Saltonstall  family,  55. 

Sargeant,  Peter,  85. 

Sargent,  Colonel  Henry,  160. 


Savage,  Samuel  T.,  97. 

School  House  Lane,  8. 

School  Street,  8. 

Sewall,  Jonathan,  59. 

Sewall,  Rev.  Joseph,  58. 

Sewall,  Samuel,  5,  7,  85,  97,  126. 

Sewall’s,  Judge,  almanac,  58. 

“  Sexton  of  Old  School,”  60,  62. 

Sheaf,  William,  89. 

Shirley,  Governor,  15,  126,  202. 

Shurness,  man-of-war,  62. 

Shurtleff,  Historian,  59. 

Silva,  Miguel,  20. 

Simons,  Henry,  153. 

Slade,  Charlotte,  214. 

Smibert,  John,  83,  87,  153. 

Snider,  Christopher,  127. 

Solomon,  37. 

Somerville,  10. 

Spain,  5. 

Squire,  J.  T.,  204. 

Stamp  Act,  76,  123,  125;  repeal,  126,  139. 
Staniford,  John,  91,  191. 

Stanley,  David,  95. 

State  House,  66,  68,  72. 

State  Street,  9,  66. 

Steel,  Captain  John,  191. 

Steel,  John,  70,  93. 

Steel,  Thomas,  63. 

Stevens,  James,  63. 

Stoddard,  John,  95. 

Suffolk  Bank,  29. 

Summer  Street,  15. 

Sun  Tavern,  6i. 

Tailor,  William,  Esq.,  63. 

Teneriffe,  42. 

Thacher,  Oxenbridge,  Esq.,  124. 

Thacher,  Peter,  171. 

Thompson,  Captain,  53. 

Thompson,  Robert,  5. 

Thornton,  Timothy,  97. 

Thorrow,  Samuel,  14. 

Ticknor,  Elisha,  153. 

Tilden,  David,  153. 

Tileston,  Captain,  97. 

Tileston,  John,  153. 

Tinkham,  George  E.,  203. 


INDEX 


Tories,  140. 

Torrey,  Everett,  197. 

Touton,  John,  4. 

Town  House,  88. 

Tremont  Street,  9,  29,  37,  46,  55,  78,  87. 
Trinity  Church,  14,  15,  22,  37,  114,  118. 
Trinity  churchyard,  6. 

Two-penny-brook  Quarry,  10. 

Tyler,  Royal,  124. 

Vane,  Grasshopper,  123. 

Vassal  family,  113. 

Vassals,  36. 

Verplanck,  Julian,  14,  30,  36,  41,  42. 

“  Videna,”  42. 

Vinal,  E.,  136. 

Wadsworth,  Josiah,  93. 

Waitt,  William,  93. 

Waldo,  Samuel,  84. 

Walker,  Benjamin  R.,  101. 

Wallace,  G.  L.,  193. 

Ward,  Joseph,  36,  38. 

Warrant  for  town-meeting,  So. 
Washington,  General,  115,  133. 
Washington  Street,  8,  48. 

Water  first  in  Boston,  201. 

Waters,  Josiah,  97. 

Watertown,  67. 


Watson,  James,  70,  191. 

Webster,  Hon.  Daniel,  9,  158. 

Weedon’s  History,  41. 

Wells,  Samuel,  9,  158. 

Wendall,  Jacob,  70,  84. 

Wendall,  Jno.,  102. 

Wentworth,  Governor,  36. 

West  Boston  Bridge,  151. 

West  Indies,  20,  73. 

Wheelwright,  Jno.,  102. 

White,  Elijah,  144. 

Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  124. 

Whiting,  Nathaniel,  93. 

Whittier,  J.  G  ,  162. 

Wild,  Paul,  179. 

Williams,  Eliphalet,  158. 

Willoughby,  Francis,  70,  191. 
Winchester,  Israel,  92. 

Windham,  Conn.,  130. 

Winship,  Jonathan,  141. 

Winslow,  Captain  John,  60,  61. 

Winslow,  Joshua,  102. 

Winthrop,  Governor  John,  63. 

Winthrop,  Hon.  Adams,  84. 
Woodbridge,  Benjamin,  57,  58,  61,  64 
S.  F„  203. 

Woodbury  &  Leighton,  165. 

Worthly,  Frank,  9,  136. 

Wright,  Francis,  153. 


6445 


I  974.46 
B81 

Brown , A.B. ,Faneuil  Hall 
&  Bane-nil  Hall  Market. 


